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unwilling to have his earnest pleading go to the ears of
General Scott, to whom it was the duty of all subordinate officers to report.
Notwithstanding the apathy, as it seemed, at
Washington, and the assurances sent from there that there was no danger, so long as he acted prudently,
Major Anderson continued to urge the necessity of re-enforcements.
He was convinced that every able-bodied man in
South Carolina would be called into the military service of the
State, if necessary, for the seizure of the forts.
He knew that there were nightly military drills in
Charleston; and he was positively assured that the South Carolinians regarded the forts as their property.
He saw whole columns of the
Charleston journals made pictorial
by the insignias of various military companies attached to orders for meetings, day after day, such as the “
Washington Light Artillery,” the “Palmetto Guard,” the “Carolina Light Infantry,” the “Moultrie Guards,” the “Marion Artillery,” the “
Charleston riflemen,” the “Meagher Guard” of Irishmen, and the “German riflemen.”
1 He read the general orders of
R. G. M. Dunovant, the
Adjutant and
Inspector-General of the
State, requiring colonels commanding regiments to “report forth — with the number, kind, and condition of all public arms in possession of the Volunteer Corps composing the several commands,” and the appointment of nine
aides-de-camp to
Governor Pickens.
These were signs of approaching hostilities that the dullest mind might
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Palmetto Guard. |
comprehend; and, in addition,
Anderson had the frank avowals of men in power.
Floyd had summoned
Colonel Huger, of
Charleston, to
Washington, for the real purpose, no doubt, of arranging more perfect plans for the seizure of the forts, for that officer was afterward an active general in the military service of the conspirators.
Anderson was directed by the
Secretary to confer with
Huger before his departure, and in that interview the
Colonel, the
Mayor