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one that would ever remain there as everywhere.
That sentiment is, that no domestic contention whatever, that may arise among the parties of this Republic, ought in any case to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of a European monarchy.”
1
Still another embassy, in the interest of the secessionists of Baltimore, waited upon the President.
These were delegates from five of the Young Men's Christian Associations of that city, with the Rev. Dr. Fuller, of the Baptist Church, at their head.
The President received them cordially, and treated them kindly.
He met their propositions and their sophisms with Socratic reasoning.
When Dr. Fuller assured him that he could produce peace if he would let the country know that he was “disposed to recognize the independence of the Southern States--recognize the fact that they have formed a government of their own; and that they will never again be united with the North,” the President asked, significantly, “And what is to become of the revenue?”
When the Doctor expressed a hope that no more troops would be allowed to cross Maryland, and spoke of the patriotic action of its inhabitants in the past, the President simply replied, substantially, “I must have troops for the defense of the Capital.
The Carolinians are now marching across Virginia to seize the Capital and hang me. What am I to do?
I must have troops, I say; and as they can neither crawl under Maryland, nor fly over it, they must come across it.”
With these answers the delegation returned to Baltimore.
The Government virtually declared that it should take proper measures for the preservation of the Republic without asking the consent of the authorities or inhabitants of any State; and the loyal people said Amen!
Neither Governor Hicks, nor the Mayor of Baltimore, nor the clergy nor laity of the churches there, ever afterward troubled the President with advice so evidently emanating from the implacable enemies of the Union.
The National Capital and the National Government were in great peril, as we have observed, at this critical juncture.
The regular Army, weak in numbers before the insurrection, was now utterly inadequate to perform its duties as the right arm of the nation's power.
Twiggs's treason in Texas had greatly diminished its available force, and large numbers of its officers, especially of those born in Slave-labor States, were resigning their commissions, abandoning their flag, and joining the enemies of their country.2
Among those who resigned at this time was Colonel Robert Edmund Lee, of Virginia, an accomplished engineer officer, and one of the most trusted and beloved by the venerable General-in-chief.
His patriotism had become weakened by the heresy of State Supremacy, and he seems to have been easily
1 Letter of Secretary Seward to Governor Hicks, April 22, 1861.
2 Notwithstanding a greater number of those who abandoned their flag and joined the insurgents at that time were from the Slave-labor States, a large number of officers from those States remained faithful. From a carefully prepared statement made by Edward C. Marshall, author of The History of the Naval Academy, it appears that in 1860, just before the breaking out of the war, there were seven hundred and forty-seven graduates of the United States Military Academy at West Point, to which might be added seventy-three who graduated in June, 1861, making a total of eight hundred and twenty. These were all officers. At the close of 1861, the number of graduates who had resigned or had been dismissed within the year was only one hundred and ninety-seven, leaving six hundred and seventeen graduates who remained loyal. The number of graduates from the Slave-labor States was three hundred and eleven, of whom one hundred and thirty-three remained loyal. The remainder were disloyal. To these add nineteen who were born in Free-labor States, and we have the total of only one hundred and ninety-seven, of the eight hundred and twenty graduates, who were unfaithful.
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