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“ [375] States of the South and the General Government. Nay, more,” they said; “the almost inevitable result would be the transfer of the war within her own borders, the defeat of all hopes of reconciliation, and the deluging of the State with the blood of her own people.” 1

The Governor of Kentucky was less courageous and more cautious than his neighbor of Tennessee, but not less a practical enemy of the Union. To confirm him in disloyalty, and to commit the great State of Kentucky to the cause of the conspirators, Walker, their so-called “Secretary of War,” wrote to Governor Magoffin, from Montgomery, on the 22d of April, complimenting him for his “patriotic response to the requisition of the President of the United States for troops to coerce the Confederate States,” 2 and saying that it justified the belief that his people were prepared to unite with the conspirators “in repelling the common enemy of the South. Virginia needs our aid,” he continued. “I therefore request you to furnish one regiment of infantry without delay, to rendezvous at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. It must consist of ten companies, of not less than sixty-four men each. . . . They will be mustered into the service of the Confederate States at Harper's Ferry.” The object of this call to Harper's Ferry will be apparent presently.

Virginia, at this time, was in a state of great agitation. Its Convention had passed through a stormy session, extending from the middle of February to the middle of April. It was held in the city of Richmond, and was organized

February 13, 1861.
by the appointment of John Janney, of Loudon, as its President, and John L. Eubank, Clerk. In his address on taking the chair, the President favored conditional Union, saying, in a tone common to many of the public men of Virginia, that his State would insist on its own construction of its rights as a condition of its remaining in the Union. It was evident, from the beginning, that a better National sentiment than the President of the Convention evinced was largely dominant in that body, and the conspirators within it were for a long time foiled in their attempts to array Virginia on the side of the “Southern Confederacy.” Even so late as the 4th of April, the Convention refused, by a vote of eighty-nine against forty-five, to pass an ordinance of secession;3 and they resolved to send Commissioners to Washington City to ask the President to communicate to that body the policy which he intended to pursue in regard to the “Confederate States.” 4 Yet the conspirators worked on, conscious of increasing strength, for one weak Unionist after another was converted by their sophistry or their threats. Pryor and Ruffin, as we have seen, went to Charleston to urge an attack upon Fort

1 Address to the People of Tennessee: by Neil S. Brown, Russell Houston, E. H. Ewing, C. Johnstone, John Bell, R. J. Meigs, S. D. Morgan, John S. Brien, Andrew Ewing, John H. Callender, and Baylie Peyton.

2 See page 837.

3 The resolution voted upon was introduced by Lewis E. Harvie, and was as follows:--“Resolved, That an ordnance of secession, reserving the powers delegated by Virginia, and providing for submitting the same to the qualified voters of the Commonwealth for adoption or rejection at the polls in the spring elections, in March next, should be adopted at this Convention.”

4 The Commissioners appointed were William Ballard Preston, A. H. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph. It is said that Mr. Carlile, of Western Virginia, suggested the appointment of a similar committee to visit Montgomery, to ascertain what Jefferson Davis intended to do with the troops he was then raising; whereupon Henry A. Wise said, that if Mr. Carlile should be one of that committee, “that would be the last they would ever see of him.” In other words, he would be murdered for his temerity in venturing to question the acts of the traitors.--Louisville Journal, April 23, 1863.

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