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claimed to have seceded, “believing that this commencement of actual war against the
Government justifies, and, possibly, demands it.”
With this explicit declaration of the
President that he should defend the life of the
Republic to the best of his ability, the
Virginia Commissioners returned to their constituents.
Their report added fuel to the flames of passion then raging in the
Virginia capital.
Its reading produced a scene of wild excitement in the
Convention.
It was heard therein at almost the same hour when the
President's call for troops to crush the rising rebellion was read.
Doubt, anger, joy and sorrow, and sentiments of treachery and fidelity swayed that body with varied emotions, until reason and judgment fled affrighted from the hall, and untempered feeling bore rule.
The boldest and best of the
Union men bent like reeds before the storm.
In the excitement of the moment, men like
Scott and
Preston, warmed by the glow of innate State pride, exclaimed: “If the
President means subjugation of the
South,
Virginia has but one course to pursue, and that is, resistance to tyranny.”
The only question entertained was: Shall
Virginia secede at once, or await the co-operation of the other Border Slave-labor States?
In the midst of the excitement pending that question, the
Convention adjourned until morning.
On the following day
the
Convention assembled in secret session.
Its aspect had changed.
For three days, threats and persuasions, appeals to interest, State pride and sectional patriotism, and the shafts of ridicule and scornful denunciation were brought to bear upon the faithful Union men, who were chiefly from the mountain districts of the
State, or
Western Virginia; and yet, at the adjournment, on the evening of the 15th, there was a clear majority of the one hundred and fifty-three members of the
Convention against secession.
The conspirators became desperate.
Richmond was in the hands of a mob ready to do their bidding, and they resolved to act with a high hand.
It was calculated that if ten Union members of the
Convention should be absent, there would be a majority for secession.
Accordingly, the leading conspirators waited upon ten of them during the evening, and informed them that they were allowed the choice of doing one of three things, namely: to vote for a secession ordinance, to absent themselves, or be hanged.
1 Resistance would be useless, and the seats of the ten members were vacant on the morning of the 16th.
Other
Unionists who remained in the
Convention were awed by these violent proceedings, and an Ordinance of Secession was passed on Wednesday, the 17th, by a vote of eighty-eight against fifty-five.
It was similar in form and substance to that of the
South Carolina politicians and those of other States, excepting that it was only to take effect when it should be ratified by “a majority of the votes of the people,” to be “cast at a poll to be taken thereon, on the fourth Tuesday in May next.”
The Virginia conspirators at once sent a private messenger to
Montgomery to apprise
Davis and his associates of their action, and to invite co-operation.
Already
Governor Letcher, who had been assured by the leaders in the
Convention that the Ordinance of Secession would be adopted,