Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.

[53] of the Government under the old Confederation, which existed for eight or ten years before the National Constitution became the supreme law of the land; but it is clearly erroneous as applied to the Government which was founded on that Constitution in 1789. Instead of the National Government being a creation of the States as States, it is a creation of the people of the original thirteen States existing when the present Government was formed, and is the political creator of every State since admitted into the Union, first as a Territory, and then as a State, solely by the exercise of its potential will expressed by the general Congress. Without the consent of Congress, under the provisions of the Constitution, no State can enter the Union.¹ This subject has received the attention due to its importance in another portion of this work. It is introduced here incidentally, to mark the line of difference between Unionists and Secessionists at the beginning of the great struggle — between those who hold that our Republic is a unit or consolidated nation, composed of distinct commonwealths, and those who hold that it is only a league of Sovereign States, whose existence may be ended by the withdrawal, at its own pleasure, of any member of the league. We will only add, that the leaders in the great rebellion found their full justification in the doctrine of the supremacy of the States, which, if it be the true interpretation of our system of government, makes secession and consequent disunion lawful.

Whilst the Georgia Legislature was considering the great questions of the day, and Robert Toombs and other conspirators were urging them to treasonable action, Alexander H. Stephens, a leading man in intellect and personal character in that State, and for a long time its representative in Congress, addressed a large concourse of people,

November 14, 1869.

in the Assembly Chamber at Milledgeville. Toombs had harangued them on the previous evening, with his accustomed arrogance of manner and insolence of speech. He denounced the National Government as a curse, and made many false charges concerning its partiality to Northern interests, to the injury of Southern interests. He also urged the Legislature to act on the subject of Secession, independent of the people. He was “afraid of conventions,” he said; that is to say, he was afraid to trust the people. His language was violent and seditious in the extreme.² He demanded unquestioning acquiescence in his secession schemes, and, with the bravado characteristic of a nature lacking true courage, he said:--“I ask you to give me the sword; for, if you do not give it to me, as God lives, I will take it myself,” --and much more of like tenor. It may not be amiss to say, in this connection, that, during the war that ensued, Toombs was made a brigadier-general in the armies of the conspirators, and, acting in accordance with the maxim, that “Prudence is the better part of valor,” was never