Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.

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In the mean time, the halls of Congress had become theaters wherein treason was openly and defiantly displayed, especially in the Senate Chamber, where, as we have observed, Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, who afterward became a brigadier-general in the Confederate army, had first sounded the trumpet-note of revolt. The occasion was the discussion of his

Thomas L. Clingman.

own motion to print the President's Message. Adopting the false assumption as true, that the people of the Free-labor States had resolved, because they formed a constitutional majority, to oppress and despoil of their rights the people of the Slave-labor States, and had elected a President “because he was known to be a dangerous man” to the latter section, he boldly announced the determination of the South--that is to say, the politicians, like himself, of the Slave-labor States--to submit no longer to the authority of the National Government. To his political opponents, on the other side of the House, he said:--“I tell those gentlemen, in perfect frankness, that, in my judgment, not only will a number of States secede in the next sixty days, but some of the other States are holding on merely to see if proper guaranties can. be obtained. We have in North Carolina only two considerable parties. The absolute submissionists are too small to be called a party.” He falsely alleged that the great “mass of the people consist of those who are for immediate action,” and then threatened, that unless ample guaranties should be given, by amendments of the. Constitution, for the protection of the rights of the South in regard to Slavery, they would see “most of the Southern States in motion at an early day. I will not undertake to advise,” he said; “but I say that, unless some comprehensive plan of some kind be adopted, which shall be perfectly satisfactory, in my judgment, the wisest thing this Congress can do would be to divide the public property fairly, and apportion the public debt. I say, Sir — and events in the course of a few months will determine whether I am right or not — in my judgment, unless decisive constitutional guaranties are obtained at an early day, it will be best for all sections that a peaceable division of the public property should take place.”

After thus demanding “guaranties” or concessions, Mr. Clingman broadly intimated that no concessions would satisfy the South; and, after drawing a picture of the advantages to be derived from secession by the people of the Slave-labor States, he protested against waiting for an overt act of offense on the part of the President elect. He wanted no further parley with the people of the Free-labor States. “They wish,” he said “to have an opportunity, by circulating things like Helper's book,¹ of arraying the non-slaveholders ”