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Assembly district in the
State, to meet as representatives of the party in convention at
Albany on the 31st of January.
They assembled on that day, and the delegates were addressed by the venerable
ex-Chancellor Walworth,
ex-Governor Seymour, and men of less note, and a series of resolutions were adopted, expressive of the sense of the party on the great topic of the day. They declared, substantially, that a conflict of sectional passions had produced present convulsions; that the most ineffective argument to be presented to the “seceding States” was war, which would not restore the
Union, but would “defeat forever its reconstruction;” that the restoration of the
Union could only be obtained by the exercise of a spirit of conciliation and concession; that there was nothing in the nature of the impending difficulties that made an adjustment by compromise improper; and that the
Union could only be preserved by the adoption of a Border-State policy, embodied in the
Crittenden Compromise.
They appointed a committee to prepare, in behalf of the
Convention, “a suitable memorial to the Legislature, urging them to submit the
Crittenden Compromise to a vote of the electors of the
State, at the earliest practicable day.”
At about this time there seemed to be concerted action all over the
State to discountenance anti-slavery movements, and to silence those men whose agency, it was alleged, had caused the “public sentiment of the
North to have the appearance of a hostility to the
South, incompatible with its continuance in the
Union.”
Anti-slavery meetings were broken up by violence; and early in March
an association was formed in New York City, called
The American Society for the Promotion of National Union, of which
Professor Samuel F. B. Morse, the inventor of the perfected electro-magnetic telegraph, was chosen
President.
1 Its professed object was “to promote the union and welfare of our common country, by addresses, publications, and all other suitable means adapted to elucidate and inculcate, in accordance with the Word of God, the duties of American citizens, especially in relation to Slavery.”
Reiterating the idea put forth a few weeks before by
the Rev. Dr. Smythe, of
Charleston, in denunciation of the doctrines of the
Declaration of Independence,
2 this society, in its “Programme,” said.--“The popular declaration that all men are created equal, and entitled to liberty, intended to embody the sentiments of our ancestors respecting the doctrine of the Divine right of kings and nobles, and perhaps, also, the more doubtful sentiment of the
French school, may be understood to indicate both a sublime truth and a pernicious error.”
Again:--“Our attention will not be confined to Slavery, but this will be, at present, our main topic.
Four millions of immortal beings, incapable of self-care, and indisposed to industry and foresight, are providentially committed to the hands of our Southern friends.
This stupendous trust they cannot put from them if they would.
Emancipation, were it possible, would be ”