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“ [14] with some qualifications, sent to certain points of the country, and money has been placed in their hands to fill up the ranks of the army. In regard to filling up the navy, I understand that of the eighteen thousand men ordered for the navy several thousand have been enlisted, and are now in the employment of the Government. I do not think it wise to strike out this provision; I think it had better remain there.”

Mr. Polk, of Missouri, desired to have the resolution go over to a future day. Mr. McDougall, of California, thought it of vast importance to act promptly. “I am here,” he said, “to indorse the preliminary actions of the Government.” Mr. Fessenden of Maine would oppose postponement after that day, though he would defer the consideration of the subject till the next day, if Mr. Polk was not ready to speak then. Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, saw no reason for passing the resolution. Mr. Clark withdrew his amendment, as the Military Committee were unanimous for it. Mr. Polk moved to postpone the resolution until the next day. Mr. Dixon and Mr. McDougall opposed it, and the motion was lost. Mr. King, of New-York, moved to amend by a proviso that within six months after the rebellion should be put down, the army should be reduced to its organization on the first of July, 1861. Mr. Latham, of California, was opposed to an increase of the regular army and to the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Mr. King accepted a suggestion of Mr. Hale to include in his amendment the navy. Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, was prepared to sustain the administration in all just and constitutional measures, but he could not vote for all the propositions in the resolution. Mr. Wilson expressed the hope that Mr. King would withdraw his amendment and move it upon the army bill, and allow the vote to be taken on the resolution. Mr. Lane, of Indiana, said, as a member of the Military Committee he “had voted to report the resolution. The red right hand of armed rebellion was raised to strike down the Government under which we live — the freest, happiest, grandest Government upon earth; and the President was suddenly called upon to put down this armed rebellion. Every effort which he has made to that purpose meets my most hearty and cordial cooperation and support.” Mr. Kennedy expressed his “solemn conviction that you will never reconstruct the Union by the sword ;” he would ask Mr. Wilson if he “is apprised of any necessity for or any reasons that require or justify the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Maryland.” Mr. Wilson replied: “I think the existence of a band of conspirators in the city of Baltimore, men who organized murder and shot down in the streets of that city brave men who were rallying at the call of the r country to defend the capital of the nation and uphold the cause of the republic, is a full, complete justification of the President in authorizing General Scott to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in and about that city. There is no spot on this continent, none whatever, : where there have been blacker traitors than in and about the city of Baltimore — men ready for murder, for any crime — men who were organizing rebellion in that city, secreting arms that have since been discovered and taken from the men who have been arrested. If there ever was in any portion of the republic, any spot of earth, or any tine, where and when the writ of habeas corpus ought to be suspended, the city of Baltimore was the spot, and the last few weeks the time, for its suspension.”

Mr. Baker said: “As a member of the Military Committee, I agree heartily in the report of its Chairman of the bills now upon your table. Whether that peace shall be conquered at Richmond, or Montgomery, or New-Orleans, or in the wilds of Texas, I do not presume to say; but I do know, if I may use so bold a word, that the determined aggregated power of the whole people of this country — all its treasure, all its arms, all its blood, all its enthusiasm, kindled, concentrated, poured out in one mass of living valor upon any foe — will conquer.” Mr. Fessenden suggested to Mr. King to modify his amendment so as to read: That nothing therein contained should be construed as authorizing a permanent increase of the army or navy beyond their force at that time. Mr. King so modified his amendment. Mr. Wilson thought “the proviso as proposed by the Senator from Maine, is one that we can all accept.” Mr. Trumbull thought Mr. Fessenden had succeeded admirably in annexing a proviso which really had no meaning in it, but Mr. King expressed his satisfaction with it, and it was agreed to.

Mr. Latham moved to strike out of the resolution the words: “Fourthly. He did, by an order of the twenty-seventh day of April last, addressed to the Commanding General of the army of the United States, authorize that officer to suspend the writ of habeas corpus at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line between the city of Philadelphia and the city of Washington.” The amendment was rejected. Mr. Polk asked the yeas and nays on the passage of the resolution, and they were ordered. He then addressed the Senate against its passage, expressing a wish to defer his speech until the next day. Mr. Wilson moved to postpone the resolution to the next day, and take up the volunteer bill, and it was postponed. On the eleventh, Mr. Polk resumed and concluded his speech against the resolution. Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, thought that instead of being engaged in an effort to pass through the Senate a resolution approving these violations of the Constitution by the chief Executive, these wanton and palpable violations of the Constitution, the assuming the war power, the officers who committed these usurpations should be arraigned at the bar of the Senate, and be on trial under impeachment. Mr. Breckenridge and Mr. Bayard expressed a desire to speak on the resolution, and the Senate, on motion of Mr. Wilson, postponed till the next day. On the sixteenth, Mr. Breckenridge addressed the Senate in opposition to the passage of the resolution.

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