Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10.
Frank Moore, Ed.

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[33] the amendment. Mr. King, of New-York, suggested a modification of the amendment so that the first two sections would read: “That the President be authorized to receive into the service of the United States, for the purpose of constructing intrenchments, or performing camp-service, or any other labor, or any war-service for which they may be found competent, persons.of African descent; and such persons shall be enrolled and organized under such regulations, not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws, as the President may prescribe, and they shall be fed, and paid such compensation for their services as they may agree to receive when enrolled; and that when any man or boy of African descent shall render any such service as is provided for in the first section of this act, he, his mother, and his wife and children shall for ever thereafter be free, any law, usage, or custom whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding.” Mr. Grimes accepted the amendment in lieu of the first sections of his amendment. Mr. Saulsbury denounced the measure as “the most magnificent scheme of emancipation yet proposed.” Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, had no doubt of the constitutional power of Congress to enroll black and white, free and slave for the defence of the country; but it would affect alike the loyal and disloyal; would therefore be unjust, and should be modified. Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, said: “I would do nothing that a civilized people ought not to do; I would employ no barbarians; I would not bring back the days of the tomahawk and scalping-knife; but any thing within the rules of civilized warfare that it is in my power to do, I would do, and it ought to be done.” Mr. Rice, of Minnesota, thought the nation must speedily acknowledge the independence of the Confederacy, “or use all the means given us by the Almighty to prosecute the war to a successful termination.” Mr. Wilson confessed that he looked “with something of admiration upon the mode in which the Southern traitorous leaders have carried on this war. They commenced the war by taking humanity by the throat, by putting under their feet every moral sentiment, every law of Almighty God. They planted themselves in defiance of God and of man upon the foundation of eternal slavery. Standing before the nations in that position, in defiance of all that is sacred, pure, and holy on earth, they have appealed to their people, to their passions, to their prejudices, to their hate; they have organized their people; they have issued their conscriptions, using every man who could do any thing, no matter how halt or maimed he might be, if he could strike a blow; they have carried on their military operations with great ability, and shown vast powers and great administrative ability, and great military ability. We are in one of the darkest periods of this contest, and we had better look our position in the face, meet the responsibilities of the hour, rise to the demands of the occasion, pour out our money, summon our men to the field, go ourselves, if we can do any good, and overthrow this confederate power that feels to-day, over its recent magnificent triumphs, that it has already achieved its independence. Bold and decisive action alone, in the cabinet and in the field, can retrieve our adverse fortunes, and carry our country triumphantly through the perils that threaten to dismember the republic.” Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, opposed the calling out of negroes for military purposes. Mr. Wilkinson and Mr. Rice supported that policy.

On the tenth, the Senate resumed the consideration of the bill. Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, had no doubt of the power to use colored men for the defence of the country: it was simply a question of expediency. Mr. Ten Eyck proposed so to amend the amendment as to strike out the words “any military or naval,” before “service.” He thought it would not affect the section, but would relieve it of its asperity. Mr. King opposed the amendment of Mr. Ten Eyck. The Chair ruled that Mr. Ten Eyck's amendment was not in order. Mr. Davis moved to amend by striking out the words, “or any military or naval service for which they may be found competent.” After remarks by Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, and Mr. Hale, of New-Hampshire, the vote was taken, and the amendment of Mr. Davis lost — yeas, eleven; nays, twenty-seven. Mr. Saulsbury moved to postpone indefinitely the consideration of the bill, but the motion was lost — yeas, nine; nays, twenty-seven. Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, moved so to amend the bill as to provide only for the freedom of persons of African descent as owe service to persons engaged in the rebellion — yeas, thirteen; nays, twenty-two. Mr. Henderson then moved to so amend the amendment as to provide that loyal persons should be compensated for the loss of the services of the slaves employed under the provisions of the act — yeas, twenty; nays, seventeen. The amendment of Mr. Grimes, as amended, was then agreed to. The question recurring on the second section of Mr. Grimes's amendment, providing that when any man or boy should render service, he, his mother, wife and children should be free, Mr. Sherman moved to amend it so as to apply only to persons owing service to any person who has borne arms against the United States, or adhered to their enemies by giving them aid and comfort — yeas, twenty-two; nays, sixteen. Mr. Browning, of Illinois, moved to amend the amendment by striking out of the persons to be made free, “his mother, wife, and children.” Mr. Lane, of Kansas, and Mr. King opposed the amendment of Mr. Browning, and on the eleventh it was rejected — yeas, seventeen; nays, twenty-one. Mr. Browning then moved to amend by adding as a proviso: “That the mother, wife, and children of such man or boy of African descent shall not be made free by the operation of this act, except where such mother, wife, and children owe service or labor to some person who, during the present rebellion, had borne arms against the United States, or adhered to their enemies by giving them aid and comfort.” Mr. Cowan, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Davis supported the amendment, and Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, Mr. Harlan,