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[3] with some slight modifications, the bill introduced into the Senate on the sixth by Mr. Wilson. On the thirteenth, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole for its consideration, Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, in the chair. Mr. Allen, of Ohio, moved to strike out “three years” and insert “one year,” as the term of service of the volunteers. He thought that, “if, at the end of one year, the triumph of the Government over the rebellion was a doubtful question, some change of policy might be required of the Government.” The amendment was opposed by Mr. Blair, and rejected. Mr. Blair moved to strike out five hundred million dollars, as specific appropriations for the support of the army had already passed the House. Mr. Cox, of Ohio, desired to know why it was proposed to increase the appropriation from four hundred million dollars, recommended by the President, to five hundred million dollars. Mr. Blair replied that it was the desire of the Committee “to strengthen the Government in putting down this unrighteous rebellion.” Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, desired to know if the sums appropriated were necessary to maintain the army proposed to be raised for a year. Mr. Blair believed it would not. Mr. McClernand, of Illinois moved to amend the bill by reducing the sum one hundred million dollars. Mr. McKnight, of Pennsylvania, desired to modify the amendment so as to reduce the number of men from “five hundred thousand” to “four hundred thousand.” Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, opposed the amendment proposed by Mr. McKnight to the amendment proposed by Mr. McClernand. Mr. Diven, of New-York, declared his readiness to vote a million of men if half a million were not sufficient. Mr. McClernand was willing to give the amount of men and money required by the Executive responsible for the use of men and money. Mr. Moorhead, of Pennsylvania, was opposed to the proposition; he was for five hundred thousand men, five hundred millions dollars. Mr. Harding, of Kentucky, declared that Kentucky would give men and money to defend the Constitution, but he would “not vote one dollar for subjugation.” Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, said there could be “no loyalty without submission, and these men were to be taught by a strong hand that they are to pay the same regard to the Constitution and the laws as commoner people are forced to render to them. These men believe that they have a right to declare themselves out of the pale of legitimate government whenever it shall suit their interests to do so, or whenever it shall be in accordance with the lead of their passions to do so. We, the people of the North, of the loyal States, and all who act with the North, intend to educate these men in a different doctrine; and if we shall eventually be forced to bring them into subjection — abject subjection to the Constitution of the United States--it will be their fault and not ours.” Mr. Campbell, of Pennsylvania, would give the Executive all the power-even a super-abundant power — in this great crisis of the nation's fate. “He would darken the ocean with our fleets, and cover the land with our armies.” Mr. Cox, of Ohio, would vote for Mr. McClernand's amendment; he would vote what was required “to enable the Executive to sustain the Government — not to subjugate the South.” Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, declared the object of the war to be the subjugation of the Southern States. Kentucky had refused to give men when called for, to protect the Capitol, and the Legislature had nearly unanimously indorsed the action of the Governor. Mr. McKnight's motion to amend Mr. McClernand's amendment was rejected; and Mr. McClernand's amendment was lost — only forty-seven voting for it. The clause appropriating five hundred millions, dollars was stricken out of the bill. Mr. Vallandigham, of Ohio, moved to add a proviso: “That before the President shall have the right to call out any more volunteers than are already in the service, he shall appoint seven commissioners, whose mission shall be to accompany the army on its march, to receive and consider such propositions, if any, as may at any time be submitted from the Executive of the so-called confederate States, or of any one of them, looking to a suspension of hostilities and the return of said States, or any one of them, to the Union, and to obedience to the Federal Constitution and authority.” He declared that he offered the proposition in good faith; he would “suspend hostilities for present negotiation to try the temper of the South.” Mr. Wright, of Pennsylvania, emphatically declared that the proposition held “out to rebellious men a reward for their treason.” Mr. Hutchins, of Ohio, moved to amend the proposition so that those commissioners should “see that the war is vigorously prosecuted to the effectual putting down of this rebellion.” Mr. Vallandigham declared he had moved his amendment “to be read hereafter, and to be read and pondered by the people.” Mr. Hutchins's amendment was lost; forty-four members only voting for it, and Mr. Vallandigham's amendment was then rejected, only twenty-one members voting for it.

On motion of Mr. Curtis, of Iowa, the bill was so amended as to give the President authority to raise troops and appoint officers for them whenever the State authorities should neglect or refuse to do so. Mr. Diven, of New-York, moved to amend the fourth section so as to require the major-generals to be selected from persons educated at West-Point, or from persons who have served in the regular army not less than five years. Mr. Shillabarger, of Ohio, moved to add, “or who shall have, by actual service in war, shown efficiency and capacity for such command.” The amendment to the amendment was agreed to, and then the amendment of Mr. Diven was rejected.

Mr. McClernand moved that the commander of a brigade shall have power to appoint a Roman Catholic chaplain for his brigade when no regiment in the brigade shall have such chaplain, but the amendment was rejected. Mr. Vallan digham proposed to strike out “Christian de ”

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