[
249]
around them, hired a room and began to drill, thinking their services might be wanted.
The Superintendent of Police found it necessary, because of threats made by sympathizers with the insurgents, to order the colored people to desist, lest their patriotism should cause a breach of the public peace.
So they waited until called for. More than a year later,
General Hunter, as we have seen,
1 directed the organization of negro regiments in his Department of the South.
It raised a storm of indignation in Congress, and
Wickliffe, of
Kentucky, asked the
Secretary of War, through a resolution of the House of Representatives, several questions touching such a measure, and, among others, whether
Hunter had organized a regiment composed of fugitive slaves, and whether he was authorized to do so by the
Government.
The
Secretary answered that he was not authorized to do so, and allowed
General Hunter to make explicit answers.
2 Yet a few weeks later
Secretary Stanton, by special order, directed
General Rufus Saxton,
Military Governor of the sea-coast islands, to “arm, uniform, equip, and receive into the service of the
United States, such number of volunteers of
African descent, not exceeding five thousand,” as he might deem expedient to guard that region and the inhabitants from injury by the public enemy
Then followed a proposition from
General G. W. Phelps to
General Butler, his chief, to organize negro regiments in
Louisiana, to be composed of the fugitive slaves who were flocking to his camp at
Carrollton, near New Orleans.
Receiving no reply, he made a requisition
for arms and clothing for “three regiments of Africans,” to be employed in defending his post.
Butler had no authority to comply, and told
Phelps to employ them in cutting trees and constructing
abatis. “I am not willing to become the mere slave-driver you propose, having no qualifications that way,”
Phelps replied, and, throwing up his commission, returned to
Vermont.
Not long afterward,
General Butler, impressed with the perils of his isolated .situation, called for volunteers from the free colored men in New Orleans, and within a fortnight a full regiment was organized.
A second was soon in arms, and very speedily a third; and these were the colored troops whom
Butler turned over to his successor,
General Banks, as we have observed on page 352, volume II.
Another year passed by, and yet few of the thousands of negroes freed by the
President's Proclamation were found in arms.
There was a universal prejudice against them.
Yet, as the war was assuming vaster proportions, and a draft was found to be inevitable, that prejudice, which had been growing weaker for a long time, gave way entirely, and, when
Lee invaded
Pennsylvania, the
Government authorized the enlistment of colored troops in the Free-labor States, as we have observed.
3 Congress speedily authorized
the
President to accept them as volunteers, and prescribed that “the enrollment of the militia shall in all cases include all able-bodied male citizens,” &c., without distinction of color.
Yet