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[615] Congress had a right to judge of the qualifications of its members, and with the belief that disloyal men would not be allowed to enter that body over the bar of a test oath prescribed by law.1

When Congress assembled,

Dec. 4. 1865.
the subject of reorganization was among the first business of the session, and by a joint resolution a committee of fifteen was appointed2 to make inquiries and report. This was known as the “Reconstruction Committee.” This action offended the President. It was an interference of the representatives of the people with his chosen policy of reorganization, and hostility to Congress was soon openly manifested by him. This was vehemently declared by the President in a speech to the populace in front of the Presidential Mansion on the 22d of February,
1866.
--a speech which Americans would gladly blot from the record of their country — in which, forgetting the dignity of his position and the gravity of the questions at issue, he denounced, by name, leading members of Congress, and the party which had given him their confidence. The American people felt humiliated by this act, but it was a small matter when compared with what occurred later in the year,
August and September.
when the President and a part of his Cabinet, with the pretext of honoring the deceased Senator Douglas by being present at the dedication of a monument to his memory at Chicago, on the 6th of September, made a journey to that city and beyond. He harangued the people in language utterly unbecoming the chief magistrate of a nation, and attempted to sow the dangerous seeds of sedition by denouncing Congress as an illegal body, deserving of no respect from the people, and the majority of its members as traitors, “trying to break up the Government.” That journey of the President, so disgraceful in all its features-its low partisan object, its immoral performances, and its pitiful results-forms a dark paragraph in the history of the Republic.3

1 By an act passed on the 22d of July, 1862, Congress prescribed that every member should make oath that he had not “voluntarily borne arms against the United States since he had been a citizen thereof,” or “voluntarily given aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in hostility thereto,” and had never “yielded voluntary support to any pretended government, authority, power, or constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto.”

2 On the first day of the session, the House of Representatives, by a vote of 188 against 86, proposed and agreed to a joint resolution to appoint a joint committee, to be composed of nine members of the House and six of the Senate, to “inquire into the condition of the States which formed the socalled Confederate States of America, and report whether they, or any of them, are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress, with leave to report at any time, by bill or otherwise; and until such report shall have been made and finally acted upon by Congress, no member shall be received in either House from any of the so-called Confederate States; and all papers relating to the representatives of the said States, shall be referred to the said committee.” The resolution was adopted by the Senate on the 14th. The House appointed Messrs. Stevens, Washburne, Morrill, Grider, Bingham, Conkling, Boutwell, Blow, and Rogers, as its representatives in the committee, and the Senate appointed Messrs. Fessenden, Grimes, Harris, Howland, Johnson, and Williams.

3 A convention had just been held

Aug. 14.
in Philadelphia, composed chiefly of men who had been engaged in the rebellion, and the enemies of the Republican party, for the purpose of organizing a new party, with President Johnson as its standard-bearer. So discordant were the elements there gathered, that no one was allowed to debate questions of public interest, for fear of producing a disruption and consequent failure of the scheme. It utterly failed. A convention of loyal men from the South was held in Philadelphia soon afterward, in which representatives of the Republican party in the North participated. The President's journey being wholly for a political purpose, members of tho latter convention followed in his track, making speeches in many places in support of the measures of Congress for effecting reorganization.

So disgraceful was the conduct of the President at Cleveland and St. Louis, in the attitude of a mere demagogue making a tour for partisan purposes, that the common council of Cincinnati, on his return journey, refused to accord him a public reception. The common council of Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania, did the same. When, on the 15th of September, the erring President and his traveling party returned to Washington, the country felt a relief from a sense of deep mortification.

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