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[614] Justice, not Expediency, should be the rule in the readjustment of the affairs of the Republic; and it was demanded, as an act of National honor, that the freedman, when made a citizen by the Constitution, should have equal civil and political rights and privileges with other citizens, such as the elective franchise, and the use of courts of justice.

It soon became evident that the President was willing to take issue, upon vital points of principle and policy, with the party which had carried the country triumphantly through the great Civil War, and had given him the second office in the Republic.1 And, at the close of the year, it was plain to sagacious observers that the Chief Magistrate was more friendly to the late enemies of his country than consistency with his profession, or the safety of the Republic, would allow. As a consequence of that friendliness, it was perceived that the politicians who had worked in the interest of the rebellion, and newspapers which had advocated the cause of the Conspirators, had assumed a belligerent tone toward Congress and the loyal people, which disturbed the latter by unpleasant forebodings. Meanwhile measures for perfecting peaceful relations throughout the Republic had been taken. The order for a blockade of the Southern ports was rescinded;

June 23, 1865
more of the rigid restrictions on internal commerce were removed;
Aug. 29.
State prisoners were paroled,
Oct. 12.
and the act suspending the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus was annulled.
Dec. 1.

The provisional governors appointed by the President were diligent in carrying out his policy of reorganization, and before Congress met, in December, conventions in five of the disorganized States had ratified the Amendment of the Constitution concerning slavery, formed new Constitutions for their respective States, and caused the election of representatives in Congress. The President had hurried on the work by directing the provisional governors of the five States to resign their power into the hands of others elected under the new Constitutions. Some of the latter had been active participants in the rebellion, and some of the Congressmen elect, in those States, had been hard workers, it was said, in the service of the enemies of the Republic. The loyal people were filled with anxiety because of these events, and the assumptions of powers by the President in doing that which, as prescribed by the Constitution, belongs exclusively to the representatives. of the people to do. Yet they waited with the quieting knowledge that

1 So early as August, or about four months after his accession to the Presidency, Mr. Johnson manifested an unfriendly feeling toward the most earnest men of the Republican party, and who had been most zealous. supporters of the Government during the war. In a telegraphic dispatch to Mr. Sharkey, whom lie had appointed Provisional Governor of Mississippi, he recommended

Aug. 15.
the extension of the elective franchise to all persons of color in that State who could read the National Constitution, 00 possessed property valued at $250. This would affect but very few people of that class, who, in that State, were kept enslaved and poor by the laws. His sole motive for the recommendation, as appears in the dispatch, was expressed in these words: “Do this, and as a consequence, the radicals, who are wild upon negro franchise, will be completely foiled in their attempt to keep the Southern States from renewing their relations to the Union.” More than a year before, Mr. Lincoln had suggested similar action to the Governor of Louisiana, but with a different motive. “They would probably help,” he said, almost prophetically, “in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of Liberty in the family of Freedom.” --Letter to, Michael Hahn, March 13, 1864.

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