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“ [454] was passed, the announcement was received by the House, and the spectators on the floor, with a wild outburst of enthusiastic applause. The Republican members instantly sprang to their feet, and applauded with cheers and clapping of hands. The spectators in the crowded galleries waved their hats, and made the chamber ring with enthusiastic plaudits. Hundreds of ladies, gracing the galleries with their presence, rose in their seats; and, by waving their handkerchiefs, and participating in the general demonstrations of enthusiasm, added to the intense excitement and interest of a scene that will long be remembered by those who were fortunate enough to witness it. For several minutes, the friends of this crowning act of Emancipation gave themselves up to congratulations, and demonstrations of public joy.” 1

When the excitement had subsided, Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, arose and said: “In honor of this immortal and sublime event, I move that the House, adjourn.” It was carried by a vote of one hundred and twenty-one against twenty-four. The Amendment was subsequently submitted to the action of the several State Legislatures; and on the 18th of December following,

1865.
the Secretary of State officially announced its ratification by the requisite three-fourths of the Legislatures of the States. It then became a part of the Constitution, and the supreme law of the land. Thenceforth, slavery was made impossible within the borders of the Republic.

We have just observed that the Rebellion was yet defiant at the close of 1864. Such was the attitude of the Conspirators who originated and controlled it. In his annual “Message” to the “Congress” at Richmond,

Nov. 7, 1864.
Davis took a general survey of the situation, and treated the matter with his usual foolish bravado. He spoke of the fall of Atlanta, but said the result would have been the same had Richmond fallen. “The Confederacy,” he said, “would have remained as erect and defiant as ever.” “The purpose of the Government,” he said, “and the valor of the troops would have remained unchanged. The baffled foe would in vain have scanned the reports of your proceedings, at some new legislative, seat, for any indication that progress had been made in his gigantic task of conquering a free people.” Then he tried to assure the “Congress” with. the old story, which nobody believed, that the Government would soon be exhausted of men and money. “Not the fall of Richmond,” he said, “nor Wilmington, nor Charleston, nor Savannah, nor Mobile, nor all combined, can save the enemy from the constant and exhaustive drain of blood and treasure which must continue until he shall discover that no peace is attainable unless. based on the recognition of our indefeasible rights.”

In the same message Davis made an appalling exhibit of the desperate condition of the Confederate finances — a public debt of nearly $1,200,000,000, without a real basis of credit, and a paper currency depreciated several hundred per cent. He also showed the hollowness of his boastings of the inherent strength of the Confederacy by fairly admitting the fact, by implication, that the capacity of the white population to furnish men for the army was exhausted, and that the slaves must be looked to for strength in the future. It had been proposed to arm them; but this was considered dangerous, for

1 History of the Anti-Slavery Measures of the Thirty-Seventh and Thirty-Eighth United States Congresses, 1861-1365; by Henry Wilson, page 393.

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