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[565a]
“And
the third class,1
composing the ‘people,’ would comprise all quiet2 cultivators of their own farms3 who possess little property. This is the largest and
most potent group in a democracy when it meets in assembly.”
“Yes, it is,” he said, “but it will not often
do that,4 unless it gets a share of
the honey.” “Well, does it not always share,”
I said, “to the extent that the men at the head find it possible,
in distributing5
to the people what they take from the well-to-do,6 to keep the lion's
share for themselves7?” “Why, yes,” he said,
“it shares
[565b]
in that
sense.” “And so, I suppose, those who are thus plundered
are compelled to defend themselves by speeches in the assembly and any
action in their power.” “Of course.”
“And thereupon the charge is brought against them by the other
party, though they may have no revolutionary designs, that they are plotting
against the people, and it is said that they are oligarchs.8”
“Surely.” “And then finally, when they see the
people, not of its own will9 but through
misapprehension,10 and being misled
[565c]
by the calumniators, attempting to wrong them, why then,11 whether they wish it or not,12 they become in very deed
oligarchs, not willingly, but this evil too is engendered by those drones
which sting them.” “Precisely.” “And
then there ensue impeachments and judgements and lawsuits on either
side.” “Yes, indeed.” “And is it not
always the way of a demos to put forward one man as its special champion and
protector13 and cherish and magnify him?” “Yes,
it is.” “This, then, is plain,”
[565d]
said I, “that when a tyrant arises he
sprouts from a protectorate root14 and from nothing
else.” “Very plain.” “What, then, is
the starting-point of the transformation of a protector into a tyrant? Is it
not obviously when the protector's acts begin to reproduce the legend that
is told of the shrine of Lycaean Zeus in Arcadia15?” “What is that?” he said.
“The story goes that he who tastes of the one bit of human
entrails minced up with those of other victims
[565e]
is inevitably transformed into a wolf. Have you not
heard the tale?” “I have.” “And is
it not true that in like manner a leader of the people who, getting control
of a docile mob,16 does not withhold
his hand from the shedding of tribal blood,17 but by the customary unjust accusations
brings a citizen into court and assassinates him, blotting out18 a human
life, and with unhallowed tongue and lips that have tasted kindred blood,
1 For the classification of the population cf. Vol. I. pp. 151-163, Eurip.Suppl. 238 ff., Aristot.Pol. 1328 b ff., 1289 b 33, 1290 b 40 ff., Newman i. p. 97
2 ἀπράγμονες: cf. 620 C, Aristoph.Knights 261, Aristot.Rhet. 1381 a 25, Isoc.Antid. 151, 227. But Pericles in Thuc. ii. 40 takes a different view. See my note in Class. Phil. xv. (1920) pp. 300-301.
3 αὐτουργοί: Cf. Soph. 223 D, Eurip.Or. 920, Shorey in Class. Phil. xxiii. (1928） pp. 346-347.
4 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1318 b 12.
5 Cf. Isoc. viii. 13τοὺς τὰ τῆς πόλεως διανεμομένους.
6 For τοὺς ἔχοντας cf. Blaydes on Aristoph.Knights 1295. For the exploitation of the rich at Athens cf. Xen.Symp. 4. 30-32, Lysias xxi. 14, xix. 62, xviii. 20-21, Isoc.Areop. 32 ff., Peace 131, Dem.De cor. 105 ff., on his triarchic law; and also Eurip.Herc. Fur. 588-592.
7 Cf. Aristoph.Knights 717-718, 1219-1223, and Achilles in Il. ix. 363.
8 i.e. reactionaries. Cf. on 562 D, p. 306, note b, Aeschines iii. 168, and 566 Cμισόδημος. The whole passage perhaps illustrates the “disharmony” between Plato's upperclass sympathies and his liberal philosophy.
9 So the Attic orators frequently say that a popular jury was deceived. Cf. also Aristoph.Acharn. 515-516.
10 Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1110 a 1, in his discussion of voluntary and involuntary acts, says things done under compulsion or through misapprehension (δι᾽ ἄγνοιαν) are involuntary.
11 For τότ᾽ ἢδη cf. 569 A, Phaedo 87 E, Gorg. 527 D, Laches 181 D, 184 A, and on 550 A, p. 259, note i.
12 So Aristot.Pol. 1304 b 30ἠναγκάσθησαν σύσταντες καταλῦσαι τὸν δῆμον, Isoc. xv. 318ὀλιγαρχίαν ὀνειδίζοντες . . . ἠνάγκασαν ὁμοίους γενέσθαι ταῖς αἰτίαις.
13 Cf. 562 D, Eurip.Or. 772προστάτας, Aristoph.Knights 1128. The προστάτης τοῦ δήμου was the accepted leader of the democracy. Cf. Dittenberger, S. I. G. 2nd ed. 1900, no. 476. The implications of this passage contradict the theory that the oligarchy is nearer the ideal than the democracy. But Plato is thinking of Athens and not of his own scheme. Cf. Introd. pp. xlv-xlvi.
14 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1310 b 14οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν τυράννων γεγόνασιν ἐκ δημαγωγῶν, etc., ibid. 1304 b 20 ff.
15 Cf. Frazer on Pausanias viii. 2 (vol. iv. p. 189) and Cook's Zeus, vol. i. p. 70. The archaic religious rhetoric of what follows testifies to the intensity of Plato's feeling. Cf. the language of the Laws on homicide, 865 ff.
16 Note the difference of tone from 502 B. Cf. Phaedr. 260 C.
17 Cf. Pindar, Pyth. ii. 32; Lucan i. 331: “nullus semel ore receptus Pollutas patitur sanguis mansuescere fauces.
Plato. Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vols. 5 & 6 translated by Paul Shorey. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1969.
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