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1 For the classification of the population cf. Vol. I. pp. 151-163, Eurip.Suppl. 238 ff., Aristot.Pol. 1328 b ff., 1289 b 33, 1290 b 40 ff., Newman i. p. 97
4 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1318 b 12.
6 For τοὺς ἔχοντας cf. Blaydes on Aristoph.Knights 1295. For the exploitation of the rich at Athens cf. Xen.Symp. 4. 30-32, Lysias xxi. 14, xix. 62, xviii. 20-21, Isoc.Areop. 32 ff., Peace 131, Dem.De cor. 105 ff., on his triarchic law; and also Eurip.Herc. Fur. 588-592.
7 Cf. Aristoph.Knights 717-718, 1219-1223, and Achilles in Il. ix. 363.
8 i.e. reactionaries. Cf. on 562 D, p. 306, note b, Aeschines iii. 168, and 566 Cμισόδημος. The whole passage perhaps illustrates the “disharmony” between Plato's upperclass sympathies and his liberal philosophy.
9 So the Attic orators frequently say that a popular jury was deceived. Cf. also Aristoph.Acharn. 515-516.
13 Cf. 562 D, Eurip.Or. 772προστάτας, Aristoph.Knights 1128. The προστάτης τοῦ δήμου was the accepted leader of the democracy. Cf. Dittenberger, S. I. G. 2nd ed. 1900, no. 476. The implications of this passage contradict the theory that the oligarchy is nearer the ideal than the democracy. But Plato is thinking of Athens and not of his own scheme. Cf. Introd. pp. xlv-xlvi.
15 Cf. Frazer on Pausanias viii. 2 (vol. iv. p. 189) and Cook's Zeus, vol. i. p. 70. The archaic religious rhetoric of what follows testifies to the intensity of Plato's feeling. Cf. the language of the Laws on homicide, 865 ff.
16 Note the difference of tone from 502 B. Cf. Phaedr. 260 C.
17 Cf. Pindar, Pyth. ii. 32; Lucan i. 331: “nullus semel ore receptus Pollutas patitur sanguis mansuescere fauces.
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