E.C. Marchant, Commentary on Thucydides Book 1

[2] 26. Thuc. supports his view by reference to the origin of the kingship in Atreus' house.

27. Πελοποννησίων—masc., with οἱ, those of the Pel. who have received the truest account by tradition. For the order of the gen. edd. compare c. 48. 4; 126. 11. It is supposed that Thuc. means the Argives, whose legends the Lesbian historian Hellanicus related. A fragment of H gives the story here referred to.

3. τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ... σχεῖν—lit. secured the naming of the country after himself, though a stranger.

ἔπηλυν—there is no authority for the form ἐπηλύτης in Attic. The passage in Xen. Oec cited in L. & S. is corrupt.

4. μείζω—neut. plur.; ξυνενεχθῆναι, ‘fell to the lot of,’ as often in Herod.; after Thuc. not found in Attic.

5. Εὐρυσθέως μέν κτλ.—the relationship of the persons mentioned is as follows:—ZZZ FAMILY TREE Pelops Perseus Sthenelus m. Nicippe Chrysippus Atreus Eurystheus Agamemnon

ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ—according to the story, Eurystheus was killed in the Megarid (Euripides represents him as taken prisoner) when at war with Demophon, king of Athens, from whom he had demanded the surrender of the Heraclidae. The Megarid was then part of Attica.

7. καὶ ἐπιτρέψαντος Εὐ. — there is parataxis here for Ἀτρεῖ δὲ μητρὸς ἀδελφῷ ὄντι ἐπιτρέψαντος.

10. Χρυσίππου—Atreus and Thyestes conspired and murdered Ch. their half brother.

12. καὶ ... παραλαβεῖν—co-ordinate with ἔτι μείζω ξυνενεχθῆναι ... Ἀτρεῖ.

13. καὶ ἅμα—the καί joins δοκοῦντα to βουλομένων.

δυνατόν—i.e. in point of wealth.

17. ἅ—the wealth and power of the two families.

[3] 18. καὶ ναυτικῷ—the MSS give καὶ ναυτικῷ τε, and two explanations are suggested: (1) τε = too, Shilleto; and (2) τε = and, while καί emphasises ναυτικῷ. thuc. 6.44 καὶ πρός τε τοὺς Π̔ηγίνους, 8.68. 2 καὶ αὐτός τε, 8.76. 5 καὶ ἑαυτούς τε give rise to a similar question. The use of τε is supported by examples in Herod. and tragedy; but the MS. variants and certain examples of corruption in the case of τε are so numerous that it is very doubtful if the passages can be relied on. On the whole καὶ ... δέ = and moreover is more probable.

19. ἰσχύσας—ingressive.

20. οὐ ... τὸ πλέον ἤ=ἧσσον ἤ.

χάριτι ... φόβῳ — for the contrast cf. Dem. 20.16 μείζων ὁ τοῦ μέλλοντος φόβος τῆς παρούσης χάριτος, but there it is the fear and good-will felt; here it is the feelings inspired.

[4] 21. φαίνεται γάρ—the passages referred to are Il. 2.576 τῶν ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἦρχε κρείων Ἀγαμέμνων, and 2.612-613 αὐτὸς γάρ σφιν δῶκεν ἄναξ άνδρῶν Ἀγαμέμνων
νῆας, and so on.

23. ὡς ... τοῦτο—Shilleto refers to Plat. Theaet. 193 D ὃ ἐν τοῖς πρόσθεν οὕτως ἔλεγον for a similar redundancy.

τῳ—in any one's opinion. To τεκμηριῶσαι supply τοῦτο: it is only with ref. to the details that Thuc. suggests a doubt.

24. ἐν τοῦ σκήπτρου τῇ παραδόσει—in the passage where the sceptre of Agamemnon is said to have been transmitted through his family; Il. 2.101-108. For this method of referring to passages in times before the division into books, etc. was made cf. c. 10. 4; Mark 12.26 ἐπὶ τῆς βάτου; Ep. Rom. 11.2.

26. οὐκ ἂν ... ἐκράτει—he would not have been ruler (as he was). Classen's version, ‘he would not be (in the Iliad) ruler,’ is less likely.

27. οὐχ ἂν εἶεν— MT 238.

2. καὶ ταύτῃ τῇ στρατείᾳ—i.e. this expedition itself was not on a very large scale. All the more insignificant must have been those undertakings that preceded it.