1. To the objection, that the action of the Society virtually3 does away with the rights of conscience of its members, and4 narrows the anti-slavery platform, we reply, that this charge can be sustained only by showing that none are allowed to retain their membership in the Society excepting those who subscribe to the action alluded to. But no such test is required— the Constitution remains unaltered—the platform remains the same as hitherto—as a condition of membership, nothing more is required than an assent to the doctrine, that slaveholding is
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1 Of Watertown, Mass., a graduate of Harvard College in 1838, an ardent abolitionist, and most zealous and generous promoter of the temperance, as lecturer and journalist (Lib. 27: 92).
2 Wendell Phillips wrote to Elizabeth Pease in October, 1844 (Ms.): ‘The tri-editorship was my plan, and Gay my peculiar selection. Don't you like him?’ Of this colleague, ‘a very well-looking man of about thirty,’ Quincy writes to Webb (Ms. June 14, 1844): ‘He has not been much heard of in the cause, but has been engaged in it for several years. He belongs to one of the best of our New England families (in the Old World sense of good family—hereditary gentility, successive generations who have not demeaned themselves by doing anything useful), and is a man of excellent talents, good taste, and good education. . . . Last summer he accompanied the agents of one of the series of the Hundred Western Conventions as a volunteer, receiving only his travelling expenses. He also attended our Hundred Massachusetts Conventions, so that he has had some experience in the field. He was also for a time the editor of the village paper published in Hingham [Mass.], so that he is not without some knowledge of the details of a newspaper establishment. He is, moreover, in perfect unity with the Boston Clique, which is a great thing, you may be sure.’
4 All three protests.
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