relation cannot be destroyed. The king cannot sepa-
rate his colonies any more than any other part of his dominions from the mother-country, nor render them independent of the British legislature. The laws and constitution of the country are prior and superior to charters, many of which were issued improvident]y, and ought to be looked into. The colonies wish to be supported by all the military power of the country without paying for it. They have been for some time endeavoring to shake off their dependence. Pennsylvania, in 1756, refused to assist government, though the enemy was at their gates; and afterwards, in their manner of granting aid, they encroached on the king's prerogative. The next attempt of the colonies will be to rid themselves of the Navigation Act, the great bulwark of this country; and because they can thus obtain their commodities twenty-five per cent. cheaper, they will buy of the French and Dutch, rather than of their fellow subjects. They do not condescend to enter into explanations upon the Stamp Act, but object to its principle, and the power of making it; yet the law was passed very deliberately, with no opposition in this house, and very little in the other. The tax, moreover, is light, and is paid only by the rich, in proportion to their dealings. The objections for want of representation are absurd. Who are affected by the duties on hardware but the people of Manchester, Birmingham and Leeds? And how are they represented? But suppose the act liable to exceptions, is this a time to discuss them? When the Pretender was at Derby, did you then enter upon a tame consideration of grievances? What occasion is there for papers? The present rebellion is more unnatural, and not less
chap. XX.} 1765. Dec.
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