for the abduction of slaves, and assisted him with points and authorities1
wrote to his brother George, Nov. 1, 1847:—
You will see the split in the New York Democrats.
They [the Barnburners] will rally in the Presidential campaign against the extension of slavery.
It is probable that there will be a coalition between them and the antislavery Whigs.
The old parties are crumbling; there is no principle of cohesion but that of public plunder.
The antislavery sentiment will be the basis of a new organization.
, Jan. 5, 1848:—
at last we have a voice in the Senate.
Hale2 has opened well.
His short speeches have been proper premonitions of what is to come.
I wish to see him discuss the war in its relations to slavery.
Then I hope he will find occasion to open the whole subject of slavery, constitutionally, morally, politically, economically.3 I wish to see Theodore Parker's letter 4 spoken in the Senate.
That will diffuse it everywhere.
To W. W. Story
, January 14:—
E——is stiffening and hardening into a stanch “Old Whig,” and talks of “regular nominations,” and voting the regular ticket.
He seems to be inspired with an exalted idea of a combination to which I am entirely indifferent,— “ the united Whig party.”
Like Mr. Webster, he sees no star in the horizon but Whiggery.
What a dark place this world would be if there were no other lights!
The Whigs are behaving very badly—very, indeed—on this war. They oppose it only so far as is consistent with their party organization. . . . Winthrop has the reward of his service to party and the South.
He is Speaker, and will help check the free spirit of the North and the movement for peace.
Meanwhile, here in Massachusetts ‘Conscience’ Whiggery seems for the moment uppermost.