chap. XIX.} 1762. |
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he sees is going forward;’1 and on the last day of
October, he called for the council-book, and struck from it the name of the Duke of Devonshire; a high indignity, almost without example.
The principal representatives of the old whig aristocracy were driven into retirement, and the king was passionately resolved never again to receive them into a ministry.
In the impending changes, Charles Townshend coveted the administration of America, and Bute gladly offered him the secretary-ship of the plantations and Board of Trade.
Thrice Townshend had interviews with the king, whose favor he always courted; but for the time he declined the station from an unwillingness to attach himself to Fox and Bute, and not from any apprehension of the sweeping whirlwind which was just beginning to rise at the menace of danger.
At that very time, men were earnestly discussing in Boston the exclusive right of America to raise and to apply its own revenues.
The governor and council had, in advance of authority by law, expended three or four hundred pounds sterling on a ship and sloop, that were to cruise against privateers, for the protection of fishermen.
Otis, in September, 1762, seized the opportunity in a report to claim the right of originating all taxes as the most darling privilege of the representatives.
‘It would be of little consequence to the people,’ said he, on the floor of the House, ‘whether they were subject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain, or the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament.’
‘Treason! treason!’
shouted
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