of dependency, so the Albany
plan of union
would, in like manner, annihilate royal authority in the collective colonies, and endanger their dependency upon the crown.
parted, each to persevere in
his own opinions.
Early in 1755, Shirley
wrote to the Secretary of State
, that he was convinced of ‘the necessity not only of a parliamentary union but taxation.’1
During the winter, Sharpe
, who had been appointed temporarily to the chief command in America
, vainly solicited2
aid from every province.
, although weak and young, ‘took every opportunity to force acts contrary to the king's instructions and prerogative.’
The character of the Rhode Island
government gave ‘no great prospect of assistance.’
New York hesitated in providing quarters for British soldiers, and would contribute to a general fund only when others did. New Jersey
showed ‘the greatest contempt’ for the repeated solicitations of its aged governor.
, in Maryland
, in South Carolina
, the grants of money by the assemblies were negatived, because they were connected with the encroachments of popular power on the prerogative, ‘schemes of future independency,’ ‘the grasping at the disposition of all public money and filling all offices;’ and in each instance the veto excited a great flame.
The Assembly of Pennsylvania in March borrowed money and issued bills of credit by their own resolves, without the assent of the governor.
‘They are the more dangerous,’ said