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Χερσονησιτέων τῶν ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ. ‘The Chersonese on the Hellespont’ as opposed to Chersonesus Heraclea in the Crimea. For the previous history of Miltiades cf. vi. 39-41 nn.

The part played by him is full of difficulty; if he openly purposed to destroy the Great King, how did he so long escape Persian vengeance?

Three explanations may be noted.

(1) That of Rawlinson may be rejected at once; he thinks that Darius never knew who had proposed his destruction till Miltiades himself boasted of his proposal after 500 B. C.

(2) The usual explanation (adopted on vi. 40, q. v.) is that there was treason talked at the bridge, and repressed by Histiaeus, but that Miltiades had no part in it. Long after, however, when on his trial for tyranny at Athens (vi. 104. 2), he claimed (falsely) to have suggested this signal service to the cause of Greece. Thirlwall (ii. 393), who was the first to question the narrative here, thinks Miltiades' first act of treason to Persia was the seizure of Lemnos. It is pointed out that Darius returned to Asia through Miltiades' territory (143. 1; cf. v. 26 n.), and there is no hint in that passage that the tyrant was disloyal.

(3) Grote argues (iv. 201), however, that it is dangerous to reject a story as to events known to many and resting on nearly contemporary evidence. Hence he accepts the account of Cornelius Nepos (Milt. c. 3), that Miltiades left the Chersonese at once after the Scythian expedition, and did not return till the time of the Ionic revolt. This suggestion agrees with the fact that Miltiades seems to have served for a time as a condottiere with the Thracian prince Olorus, whose daughter he married (vi. 39), and is confirmed by vi. 41. 3— the importance attached to the capture of his son.

This arrangement of the facts can perhaps be reconciled with the account in vi. 40, though it is odd that H. mentions there a flight from the Scyths, and says nothing of this (supposed) previous flight from the Persians, which Nepos (u. s.) definitely mentions.

It may be suggested that Miltiades' sympathy with the Scyths was of early date. There is a fine vase in the Ashmolean Museum (dating about 520 B. C.) with the inscription Μιλτιάδης καλός, representing a handsome young warrior in Scythian costume (cf. Helbig, Les ἱππεῖς athéniens, p. 199; P. Gardner, Greek Vases in A shmolean, no. 310, pl. 13, who calls the costume ‘Persian’).

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