This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Ἀγχιμόλιον ... δόκιμον. Perhaps the fact that the expedition was sent by sea may account for the absence of the king, as apparently in the expedition to Samos (iii. 54 f.), and certainly at Salamis, where Eurybiades commands (viii. 42. 2). The alleged bribery of the oracle is supported by other instances (cf. vi. 66 n.). It is, however, in this case denied by Plutarch (de Malign. Herod. ch. 23) and may be a fiction to cover a change in Spartan policy. For though the piety of the Spartans which made them slow to send troops to Marathon (vi. 106) and against Mardonius (ix. 7 f.) may have been genuine, it seems more likely that their motive in this case was political, viz. the friendship between the Pisistratids and Argos (i. 61; Ath. Pol. 19). Policy dictated the expulsion of the tyrants just as policy later counselled their restoration (ch. 91).
συμμαχίη. This alliance, along with many others (cf. Appendix XVI. 8), was made by Pisistratus. To compliment his allies he named one of his sons Thessalus (Thuc. i. 20, vi. 55; Ath. Pol. 17, ch. 94 n.). Thessaly, however, proved a broken reed both to the tyrants and later (Thuc. i. 107) to the democracy of Athens. κοινῇ ... βασιλέα. The Thessalians in foreign affairs often acted in common (Thuc. i. 102, iv. 78), but it seems unlikely that there were real kings in Thessaly. The title is occasionally given to the chiefs of the leading families, e. g. the Aleuadae of Larissa (Pind. Pyth. x. 3; H. vii. 6. 2, but not in ix. 1. 1, 58. 1), and Orestes of Pharsalus (Thuc. i. 111). Here it seems to mean a general appointed to command the national army, the ταγός, though that term is first explicitly used of Jason of Pherae (Xen. Hell. vi. 1. 8). In Thucydides (iv. 78) the Thessalians are said to be under a close family oligarchy (δυναστεία), but probably this refers to the home government of the various cities. In 431 B. C. the troops sent to the aid of Athens are under seven commanders appointed by the seven cities which sent them (Thuc. ii. 22). (See note, p. 415.) Κονιαῖον. The only known Conium being in Phrygia (Plin. N. H. v. 32), and Cineas being certainly a Thessalian, Γονναῖον (cf. vii. 128. 1, 173. 4) should be read.
Ἀλωπεκῆσι. The modern Ampelokipi (‘vineyards’), some eleven stadia from the gate along the Cephisian road, is held to be a perversion of this name. In that case the Cynosarges, a walled τέμενος, which contained a shrine of Heracles (vi. 116) and a gymnasium for the νόθοι of citizens, must be north-east of Athens at the foot of Mount Lycabettus. The position assigned suits the narrative in vi. 115 f., since the Persians in the bay could see the victors of Marathon encamped on the hill, and so would naturally put about and sail away (Frazer, Paus. ii, p. 193 f.). Recently, however, Dr. Dörpfeld has argued that Alopece and Cynosarges must have lain south of the Ilissus towards Phalerum, near the church of S. Marina, and Sir C. Smith has excavated a building south of the Olympieum on the bank of the river, which, on rather slight grounds, he holds to be Cynosarges (Frazer, Paus. v. 493 f.). This would suit the present passage, as its natural meaning is that the Spartans were ridden down in the plain between Phalerum and Athens and driven back to their ships. Their fallen leader would probably be buried near the spot at which he fell; hence, if Alopece be Ampelokipi, we have to suppose that the Spartans had marched past Athens, which is unlikely.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 United States License.
An XML version of this text is available for download, with the additional restriction that you offer Perseus any modifications you make. Perseus provides credit for all accepted changes, storing new additions in a versioning system.