[96] Orare in the same sense 6. 849, though there the acc. is expressed. “Cuncti simul ore fremebant” 1. 559., 5. 385. For ‘Iuno’ Pal. and Gud. have ‘dictis’ from 6. 124, Gud. giving ‘Iuno’ as a variant.
[97] Adsensu vario, some agreeing with Juno, some with Venus. Comp. 11. 296, “variusque per ora cucurrit Ausonidum turbata fremor.” ‘Flamina prima,’ the rising blasts: ‘prima’ is better taken adjectivally than adverbially with ‘fremunt.’
[98]
For ‘deprensa’ one MS. known as
the Parrhasian has ‘depressa,’ which is
partially supported by one of Ribbeck's
cursives, and by the fact that the last four
letters of ‘deprensa’ are in an erasure in
Rom. The words are often confounded:
the same variation being found in G. 4.
421, A. 5. 52, 273. ‘Depressa’ is adopted
by Markland (on Stat. Silv. 1. 2. 45), who
also needlessly alters ‘fremunt’ into ‘gemunt.’
This passage no doubt suggested
to Milton the simile in Paradise Lost, bk.
2. 284 foll.:—
“He scarce had finished, when such murmur
filled
The assembly, as when hollow rocks
retain
The sound of blust'ring winds, which all
night long
Had roused the sea, now with hoarse
cadence lull
Seafaring men o'erwatched &c.
”
[100] Rom. and Med. (first reading) have ‘prima,’ which is also found as a variant in Gud., and has been recalled by Wagn. and late editors. ‘Summa’ Med. (second reading), Pal., Gud., and three of Ribbeck's cursives. The external authority is nearly balanced: but ‘prima’ is more likely to have been altered into ‘summa’ than vice versa. οὗτε κράτος ἐστὶ μέγιστον Od. 5. 4. ‘Rerum’ above v. 18.
[101] Infit 5. 708 note. With this passage comp. the lines of Ennius (Sat. 10 foll.), “mundus caeli vasto constitit silentio, Et Neptunus saevus undis asperis pausam dedit: Sol equis iter repressit ungulis volantibus. Constitere amnes perennes, arbores vento vacant.” σίγησε δ᾽ αἰθήρ, σῖγα δ᾽ εὔλειμος νάπη Φύλλ᾽ εἶχε &c. Eur. Bacch. 1084.
[102] Tremefacta not for ‘tremefacta est,’ but the epithet of ‘tellus,’ which agrees with ‘silescit.’ ‘Solum’ apparently in its literal sense of ‘foundation’ (see Forc.): Lucr. repeatedly has “solum ternae” = ‘the ground:’ a translation perhaps of the γῆς πέδον of the Greek tragedians. ‘Solo’ abl., ‘in respect of its foundation.’ “Contremuit templum magnum Iovis altitonantis” Ennius A. Inc. fragm. 70: comp. Catull. 62 (64). 204 foll. ‘Arduus aether’ G. 1. 324.
[103] Zephyri a general expression, as in 4. 562, &c., not (as Gossrau says) “vel placidissimi venti.” ‘Posuere’ = “posuere se.” So Ov. Her. 7. 49, “venti ponent.” ‘Premit placida’ proleptic. Comp. “Quid premat obscurum lunae . . . orbem” Hor. 1 Epist. 12. 18.
[104] Repeated from 3. 250.
[105] Ausoniis Pal. corrected and Gud. originally: ‘Teucros’ Pal. and originally Gud. ‘Ausonios’ 11. 253., 12. 834.
[106] Licitum est (comp. v. 344), given by Rom. and one of Ribbeck's cursives, was the reading before Heins. ‘Capit,’ ‘admits of:’ Ov. (?) Nux Eleg. 4, “publica cum lentam non capit ira moram” (Forc.).
[107] Hodie, the day of the battle described v. 118 foll., confirming the interpretation of “panditur domus” v. 1. ‘Secat spem’ is difficult to explain or to illustrate: neither “secare rem” in Hor. 1 S. 10. 15, nor “spem resecare” ib. 1 Od. 11. 7, are at all parallel. Serv. thinks that both here and 6. 900 (“viam secat”) Virg. uses ‘seco’ in the sense of ‘sequor;’ and though this is not strictly the case, it is still not impossible that in a half-punning way he would put the one where the other would be more natural: the common phrase “sectam sequi” (Cic. pro Sest. 45. 97, Lucr. 5.1115, &c.) may show that the two roots were confounded in popular opinion. So Virg. seems to use ‘dictus’ for ‘dicatus’ 6. 138: and he puts ‘căno’ and ‘cāneo’ together 10. 191, 418. The meaning of ‘seco’ here may perhaps be the same as in “secto limite” G. 2. 278: the idea being that of a line of hope marked out clearly before the eye. Pindar, Ol. 12. 6, says τὰ δ᾽ αὖ κάτω ψεύδη μεταμώνια τάυνοισαι κυλίνδοντ᾽ ἐλπίδες, which may possibly have influenced Virg.'s language.
[108] ‘Rutulusve’ Gud. and two other of Ribbeck's cursives, ‘Rutulusne’ Med., Pal., and Rom., and so rightly Ribbeck. ‘Whatever any one's fortune or hope, I will hold him in no difference, be he Trojan or Rutulian.’ ‘Fuat’ an archaic form = ‘sit:’ see Madv. § 108. 4. A number of instances of it may be found in the older Latin dramatists. “Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine agetur” 1. 574 note. ‘Habeo’ as in 2. 102 note, “si omnis uno ordine habetis Achivos.”
[109] Ribbeck brackets this and the following line because they are cut out by Peerlkamp. It is better with Serv. to join ‘Italum’ with ‘fatis’ than (as Heyne and Wagn. do) with ‘obsidione.’ ‘Fatis Italum’ is opposed to ‘errore malo Troiae,’ and is like “tuorum fata” (1. 257) and “fata Phrygum” (7. 294): the sense being “whether the siege be brought about by a fate which favours the Italians, or by error on the part of the Trojans.” Jupiter carries his impartiality even into his language, declining to pronounce whether what has happened is owing to fate or human error (the antithesis of Od. 1. 32 foll.). ‘Obsidione teneri’ 9. 598.
[110] Malus error G. 8. 41. The error of Troy consisted in Aeneas' leaving the camp at so critical a time: the ‘monita sinistra’ are the warning conveyed by Iris to Turnus 9. 1 foll. Aeneas acted upon the advice of the god Tiber, but he ran a risk in doing so, which the machinations of Juno had converted into a certainty. Virg. is perhaps not quite consistent with himself in this: but such inconsistency is natural where the gods are introduced as engaged on different sides. ‘Monitisve’ Pal., and originally Gud., partially supported by another of Ribbeck's cursives.
[111] Nec populos solvo Nonius 390. 33, and so Ribbeck, against all MSS. authority: understanding ‘solvo’ to mean ‘separate,’ as in Prop. 5. 4. 49, “commissas acies ego possum solvere.” But the meaning of ‘solvo’ here is plainly ‘to release from an obligation,’ as in the phrases “solvere legibus” or “solvere religione.” ‘Rutulos’ opposed to the Trojans implied in ‘castra:’ as they have the advantage, Jupiter specially disclaims the idea of favouring them. ‘Labor’ is often put by Virg. side by side with ‘fortuna:’ see G. 3. 452, A. 1. 628., 7. 559., 11. 416: the meaning of ‘labor’ in these passages being apparently that of an effort or struggle on man's part, in which ‘Fortuna’ or kindly chance lends a helping hand. Here the sense seems to be ‘his own beginnings shall allot to each man (be to him the measure of) his toil and his success.’ In Il. 8. 10, 11, Zeus similarly forbids any god to assist either side.
[113] Fata viam invenient 3. 395. ‘Inveniant’ Gud. originally. The whole passage from these words to ‘Olympum’ v. 115 is repeated from 9. 104—106.
[116] Aureo a disyllable, 1. 698, note.
[117] In representing the gods as conducting Jupiter to the threshold, Virg. is thinking of the Roman consul being after his election escorted, according to custom, from the senate-house to his home (Serv.). Comp. Ov. ex Ponto 4. 4. 41, “Inde domum repetes toto comitante Senatu” (Dict. A. ‘Consul’), and ib. M. 6. 72. ‘Medius’ the place of honour. “Et medius iuvenum non indignantibus ipsis Ibat” Ov. Fast. 5. 67.
[118-145] ‘The battle continues during the whole of the day (see on v. 1). Conspicuous among the Trojans is Iulus, who (according to Apollo's command) takes no part in the battle.’
[118] Circum adverbial, as in E. 3. 45 (Forb.). ‘Portis omnibus’ abl. ‘Instant’ with ‘sternere:’ see 1. 423, note.
[119] Moenia cingere flammis 9. 160 in a different sense: see on v. 396. Comp. “igni circumdare muros” 9. 153.
[120] Legio in a general sense 8. 605. ‘Vallis,’ within the stakes of their fortifications: comp. “vallo teneri” 9. 598.
[121] “Nec spes ulla fugae” 9. 131. “Turribus altis stant maesti” 9. 470. ‘Miseris’ Rom. and one or two of Ribbeck's cursives for ‘miseri.’ The pres. ‘stant’ gives the continued effect of the perf. ‘cinxere.’
[122] Rara: comp. 9. 508, “qua rara est acies interlucetque corona Non tam spissa viris.” “Muros varia cinxere corona” 11. 475. “Cingere vallum corona,” “circumdare oppidum corona” are used by Tac. H. 3. 27 and Livy 23. 44 of a besieging army surrounding a town. Ribbeck takes away the colon at the end of the line, making ‘miseri’ agree with the names that follow; but these are obviously mentioned as the flower of the army.
[123] The names are from Homer, but the persons must be different. Asius, son of Hyrtacus, is in the besieging party Il. 12. 96, and is killed ib. 13. 387 foll. Thymoetes and Hicetaon occur in two consecutive lines (Il. 3. 146, 7), and Virg. makes one the son of the other. The patronymic “Hicetaonius” is like “Agamemnonius” 4. 471, and “Lycaonius” 10. 749 (Forb.). ‘Thymoetes’ again 12. 364. The Thymoetes of 2. 32, who urges the admission of the wooden horse into Troy, is doubtless the δημογέρων of Il. 3. 146: see on 2. l. c.
[125, 126] Prima acies probably to be taken literally, not (with Serv.) metaphorically of the foremost warriors. “Antaeum et Lucam, prima agmina Turni” v. 561 below. The name of Clarus for a Lycian warrior may have been suggested to Virg. by the association of the town of Clarus with the Lycian Apollo. So he makes ‘Anxur’ into the name of a person, 10. 545. Bachofen, ‘Lykier’ p. 37, notices that the Lycian warriors go in pairs in Hom. and Virg.: besides the case of Glaucus and Sarpedon, see Il. 16. 326 foll., and in Virg. A. 12. 343, 516. ‘Alta’ may mean lofty, which would agree with the real features of Lycia: on the other hand the epithet of Lycia in Hom. (Il. 6. 188., 17. 172 &c.) is εὐρείη and ἐριβῶλαξ. ‘Alta’ may therefore perhaps = ‘noble:’ comp. “Sarpedonis alti” 9. 697, “patria alta” 10. 374., 11. 797, “nomina alta” Juv. 8. 131. ‘Ab Ida’ Pal. and Gud., originally a reminiscence, perhaps, of 5. 254., 12. 412. Clarus and Themon probably stand behind the others as a second rank.
[127] Comp. Il. 12. 378 foll., where Ajax kills one of the besieging party (a comrade of Sarpedon) with a huge stone. Perhaps the introduction of Sarpedon's name in this contest was suggested by the lines in Hom. ‘Toto connixus corpore’ 9. 410. Comp. Livy 1. 33, “omnibus copiis connixus Ancus.” The prep. ‘con’ bears out the idea of ‘toto.’
[128] Haud partem exiguam montis is not a happy imitation, if it be an imitation, of Homer's κορυφὴ ὄρεος μεγάλοιο (Od. 9. 481), which is an appropriate weapon in the hands of the Cyclops. For the Virgilian expression see v. 698 below, 9. 569, and comp. G. 3. 239, “neque ipso Monte minor procumbit.” Lyrnesus (Il. 2. 690., 20. 92) was the home of Briseis, sacked by Achilles.
[129, 130] Clytius is mentioned with Thymoetes and others Il. 3. 147. Virg. seems fond of the name: comp. 9. 774., 11. 666. ‘Menestheus’ son of Peteus is the defender of a tower Il. 12. 331. ‘Hi’ and ‘illi’ of different men among the defenders.
[131] Moliri may suggest the use of heavy weapons such as the ‘phalarica’ used in the siege of Saguntum, Livy 21. 8 (Gossr.). “Molitur fulmina” G. 1. 329. ‘Que’ virtually disjunctive as 6. 616 (note). “Saxum ingens volvunt alii, radiisque rotarum Districti pendent:” see Wagn. Q. V. 34. 1. ‘Aptare’ with dat. as 9. 364.
[132] “Ipsi per medias acies” G. 4. 82 of the bee-kings. Gud. gives ‘primos’ for ‘medios’ as a variant in the margin: an unseasonable reminiscence of 2. 479. ‘Veneris iustissima cura’ as the last hope of the race: so 1. 678 Venus calls him “mea maxuma cura.” The mention of Venus and her love for him suggests his beauty.
[133] Honestum G. 2. 392., 4. 232. ‘Caput detectus:’ he was forbidden to fight: see 9. 656. ‘Detectus’ = ‘nudus,’ as in Ov. F. 2. 301 (Forc.).
[134] Ascanius among the surrounding warriors is compared to a gem set in gold, or ivory set in wood. The passage recalls 1. 592-8, where the divine grace shed round Aeneas by his mother is compared to gold in which silver or marble is set, or to the adornment put upon ivory by the hand of an artist. The difference between the two passages is that there it is the setting, here the thing set, which is made prominent. Consequently the gold there, being contrasted with the less precious marble or silver, is “flavus:” a brighter colour than ‘fulvus,’ which is its proper epithet here, where its brilliancy is surpassed by that of the gem which it surrounds.
[135] Aut collo decus &c. for a necklace or a crown: comp. 1. 654 note. ‘Decus collo’ like “decus navi” Culex 135. Comp. Homer's κόσμος θ᾽ ἵππῳ ἐλατῆρί τε κῦδος Il. 4. 145. “Quas ipsa decus sibi dia Camilla Delegit” 11. 657. ‘Per artem’ G. 1. 122 &c. ‘Buxum’ said to be good for carving G. 2. 449. Pliny 16. 84 mentions it with terebinth among the woods “quorum operimento vestiatur alia materies.” Terebinth, having according to his description (13. 12) a wood of a bright black colour, “materies (lenta ac) nigri splendoris,” would be well fitted for setting ivory. Comp. Theoph. Hist. Plant. 3. 15. ‘Corycia’ for ‘Oricia’ Gud. and Med. corrected. Oricum was a town in the north of Epirus. The rhythm of this line, like that of E. 3. 63, “munera sunt lauri et suave rubens hyacinthus,” is thoroughly Greek with its open vowels and final quadrisyllable: comp. Catullus 66. 11, “novo auctus hymenaeo.” So Propertius 4. 7. 49, “sed Thyio thalamo aut Oricia terebintho.”
[137, 138] Cervix fusos Pal., Gud., and another of Ribbeck's cursives. ‘Fusus’ as v. 838 below. ‘Lactea colla’ 8. 660. ‘Mollis,’ pliant, recurs v. 818 as an epithet of ‘aurum.’ ‘Molli auro’ is the abl. of the material, and its construction here may help to explain that of “tereti gemma” in the similar line 5. 313 (note), “quam tereti subnectit fibula gemma.” ‘Circulus’ 5. 559 is a circlet for the neck: here it seems to be a band which confines the hair (‘fusos crines’): which makes against its being (as Heyne thinks) the same as the diadema which surrounded the brow. Comp. 4. 147 (note), “mollique fluentem Fronde premit crinem fingens atque inplicat auro” (of Apollo). Il. 17. 52 (of Euphorbus) πλοχμοί θ᾽ οἱ χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ ἐσφήκωντο (Emm.). ‘Mollis subnectit’ Med., probably a reminiscence of 4. 139., 5. 313.
[139] Magnanimae gentes probably refers to the Lydians following Ismarus: ‘your high-souled clans.’ ‘Magnanime’ Med. first reading and Gud. The Maeonians are allies of the Trojans Il. 2. 864 foll.
[140] Derigere, not ‘dirigere,’ is the common form in Virg., and possibly the right one in Latin generally: see Munro on Lucr. 6.823. The phrase ‘volnera derigere’ occurs Tac. H. 2. 35, and Sen. Here. Oet. 160 (Gossr. and Forb.). Comp. “volnus detorsit” for “telum detorsit” 9. 745, and see note on 2. 529. ‘Calamos armare veneno’ like “ferrumque armare veneno” 9. 773.
[141, 142] For the hiatus comp. 5. 735, “colo: huc casta Sibylla.” ‘Pinguia culta’ 8. 63. ‘Exercent’ G. 1. 99, 220 &c.
[143] Mnestheus defeated Turnus 9. 779. For the participial construction ‘pulsi gloria Turni’ = ‘the glory of having pat Turnus to flight,’ see Madv. § 426. He gives a parallel instance from Curtius (4. 58), “sibi quisque caesi regis expetebat decus.” Comp. “pulsae tropaeum virginis” 11. 790.
[144] ‘Agger moerorum’ 10. 24., 11. 382. ‘Sublimem tollit’ like “sublimem feres ad sidera” 1. 259.
[145] Virg. naturally adopts the legend which attributed the name and foundation of Capua to one of the followers of Aeneas. Another story makes Capys a Samnite: and the name of Capua was, according to Serv. and Livy (4. 37), variously derived. See Lewis, 1. p. 325 note, and Klausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, 1. p. 550. ‘Urbe’ Med. originally.
[146-162] ‘During the night following the day of the battle, Aeneas, who had succeeded in gaining the alliance of Tarchon, was sailing back to the aid of his followers.’
[146, 147] “Conferre manu certamina pugnae” Lucr. 4.844: “saevi certamina belli” ib. 1. 475 (Forb.). Comp. νεῖκος πολέμοιο Il. 13. 271, ἀγὼν μάχης Soph. Trach. 20. The plup. ‘contulerant’ marks that the battle was over: see on v. 1.
