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[768] Ribbeck's MSS. give ‘Cybelo,’ except Gud., which has ‘Cybele’ (Pal. and Rom., we must remember, are wanting); and ‘Cybelo’ appears to have been read by Serv. and Donatus. yet it is not easy to see how Chloreus could be called sacred to Mount Cybelus, whereas ‘Sacer Cybelae’ answers to “Cereri sacrum Polyphoeten” 6. 484. Pier. mentions another reading ‘satus Cybelo,’ which would leave ‘sacerdos’ rather bare. ‘Olim’ at Troy, as Heyne rightly explains it. For priests in battle see on 6. 484.

[769] Longe may go either with ‘insignis’ or with ‘fulgebat.’ “Patriis in armis” 3. 595.

[770] Virg. doubtless was thinking, as Serv. says, of the “cataphracti,” or “equites loricati” (Livy, 37. 40), who had their horses cased in armour as well as themselves. Serv. quotes a description from Sallust Hist., fr. inc.: “Equis paria operimenta erant, quae lintea ferreis laminis in modum plumae adnexuerant.” Lersch cites from Justin, 41. 2, “Munimentum ipsis (the Parthians) equisque loricae plumatae sunt, quae utrumque toto corpore tegunt.” Comp. also Val. Fl. 6. 233, quoted in Dict. A. ‘Lorica.’ Virg. apparently constructs this with the ‘pellis,’ or horsecloth (8. 552), perhaps, as Heyne suggests, that the metal might not be supposed to come into contact with the skin.

[771] A comParison of 3. 467, “Loricam consertam hamis auroque trilicem,” would tend to show that ‘auro conserta’ here refers to the joining of the scales or chain-work; but it is difficult to see how this could be reconciled with ‘aenis,’ so that Heyne is probably right in supposing the reference to be to the golden buckles which fastened the cloth to the horse. ‘Auroque inserta’ was read by some early edd., and is found in the Balliol MS. ‘In plumam’ then will qualify ‘squamis,’ as if it were “squamis in pluman connexis.”

[772] “Ferrugine clarus Hibera” 9. 582: see also on G. 1. 467, and Munro on Lucr. 4.76. ‘Ferrugine et ostro’ is a kind of hendiadys.

[773] “Libet Partho torquere Cydonia cornu Spicula” E. 10. 59. “Lycias sagittas” 8. 166. “Stabula GortyniaE. 6. 60.

[774] Ribbeck seems right in restoring ‘erat’ for ‘sonat’ from Med., and one of his cursives (here again we must recollect that Pal. and Rom. are deficient). ‘Sonat’ would naturally be introduced from v. 652, just as Gud. and some inferior MSS. (followed by Wagn.) have introduced ‘humero,’ while ‘erat’ is recommended, not only by Virgil's love of variety in the midst of repetition, but by the tenses ‘fulgebat,’ &c. and “collegerat.” Forb. reasonably enough asks how we are to reconcile the ‘Lycio cornu’ with the ‘aureus arcus.’ Unless we suppose Virg. not to have put the finishing touch to the passage, it seems best to say that ‘arcus’ is to be understood of the quiver, awkward as it is so to interpret it when the bow has just been mentioned. The Balliol MS. omits v. 773, which also had occurred to me; but it is recognized by both Serv. and Donatus.

[775, 776] ‘Cassida,’ a form of “cassis,” occurs also Prop. 4. 11. 15, “Aurea cui postquam nudavit cassida frontem.” So “compeda” for “compes” Varro fr. Parmeno ap. Non. p. 28, “chlamyda” for “chlamys” Appul. M. 10, p. 353, &c. Comp. also “crater,” “cratera.” ‘Crepantis,’ rustling, a natural epithet of ‘sinus carbaseos.’ Gossrau comp. Lucr. 6.109, which, however, is not quite parallel. Heyne supposed the ‘carbasa’ to be quilted with gold-leaf or embroidered with gold thread (see on 3. 483), in which case ‘crepantis’ would be tinkling, like “leni crepitabat brattea vento” 6. 209; but the earlier interpretation, understanding ‘fulvo auro’ of the ‘fibula,’ is more natural. Comp. Stat. Theb. 7. 658, “Carbaseique sinus et fibula rasilis auro Taenaricum fulva mordebat iaspide pallam,” and see on 10. 134., 1. 320. With ‘sinus crepantis carbaseos’ comp. “corpus exsangue Hectoreum” 2. 543, note. For intances of this use of a double epithet, where one adjective may be resolved into the genitive of a substantive, from Lucretius and Virgil, see Munro on Lucr. 1.258. For the position of ‘que’ after ‘chlamydem’ see G. 2. 119, note.

[777] Pictus acu, perhaps with gold thread, as in 10. 818. “Pictus acu chlamydem” 9. 582. ‘Barbara tegmina crurum,’ Oriental trousers (Dict. A. ‘Braccae’), ‘barbara’ being used like ‘barbarico’ 2. 504, note. “Picto subtemine braccae,” Val. F. 6. 227, a passage more or less taken from this of Virg.; see above on v. 770. On the whole description Serv. remarks, “Sane armorum longa descriptio illuc spectat, ut in eorum cupiditatem merito Camilla videatur esse succensa.” We may add, that the very length of the description expresses the place which the spoils fill in Camilla's thoughts, and the length of time she spends in trying to obtain them.

[778] For hanging up spoils in temples, comp. 3. 286, &c. ‘Arma Troia’ 1. 248., 3. 596. “Praefigere puppibus arma” 10. 80.

[779] Captivo auro like “captiva vestis” 2. 765, note. ‘Se ferre’ 1. 503, &c. ‘In auro’ like “in veste” 4. 518., 12. 169.

[780] Venatrix is coupled by Ribbeck, after H. Stephens, with what goes before; but such an accoutrement would seem to be more natural in the case of Dido, with whom hunting is a holiday pastime (4. 138), than in that of Camilla, with whom it is a serious business. It is better, with Peerlkamp, to suppose that it indicates the spirit with which she pursues Chloreus, than, with Wagn., to connect it with ‘virgo,’ as part of the definition of Camilla. ‘Ex omni certamine’ for “ex omnibus certantibus,” like “pugnae in certamine” 12. 598, perhaps, as Cerda suggests, from Lucr. 4.843.

[781] Incensa, the reading of one or two of Ribbeck's cursives, is found in some early editions. ‘Per agmen’ constructed with ‘ardebat,’ the notion of movement being implied in the context, as in G. 4. 82, 83, which Wagn. comp.

[783] Ex insidiis concitat, rouses from its ambush, like “ex insidiis consurgere,” “invadere,” &c., quoted by Forc. ‘Tempore capto’ like “arrepto tempore” above, v. 459.

[784] ‘Coniicit,’ the reading before Heins., is found in two of Ribbeck's cursives; but we are not to suppose the weapon actually thrown till after the prayer. ‘Superos’ used generally, only Apollo being meant. Wagn. comp. 1. 4: see also on 6. 322. Gossrau prefers supposing that the other gods are really included in the invocation, for which comp. 3. 19, G. 1. 21. ‘Voce precatur’ 9. 403, where, as here, we should rather have expected the prayer to be a silent one.

[785] “‘Summe deumex affectu colentis dicitur: nam Iuppiter summus est,” Serv. So apparently ‘omnipotens’ v. 790. The address seems to represent the fact that Apollo was the peculiar god of Arruns' countrymen. Wagn. comp. Ciris v. 245, where Dictynna is called “prima deum.” He cites also a remark of Herm. on Soph. Ant. 338, θεῶν τὰν ὑπερτάταν Γᾶν, “istae appellationes deum designant eo de quo sermo est in negotio prae ceteris colendum:” but the statement, whether true or no, is not borne out by the passage on which it is grounded, the title being doubtless given to Earth on account of her antiquity as a goddess (see on 7. 136). Apollo had a temple on the top of Soracte: Dict. G. ‘Soracte.

[786] Quem primi colimus seems to mean ‘whose chief worshippers are we.’ ‘Pineus ardor’ like “stuppea flamma” 8. 694 (note), the epithet really belonging to ‘acervo.’ ‘Acervo’ prob. instrum. abl.

[787, 788] “Haud procul urbe Roma in Faliscorum agro familiae sunt paucae quae vocantur Hirpiae, quae sacrificio annuo quod fit ad montem Soractem Apollini super ambustam ligni struem ambulantes non aduruntur” Pliny 7. 2. Comp. Sil. 5. 175 foll., from which it appears that the worshippers walked through the fire three times carrying entrails to the god, so that ‘cultores’ here is not to be explained by ‘freti pietate,’ but means ‘in the exercise of our worship.’ Serv. quotes from Varro “Ut solent Hirpini, qui ambulaturi per ignis medicamento plantas tinguunt.” ‘Premimus’ set down; not, as in 6. 197, 331, check. ‘Multa’ denotes the thoroughness of the ordeal.

[789] Pater: see on G. 2. 4. ‘Dedecus’ is Camilla herself: comp. “exstinxisse nefas” 2. 585, a passage generally similar. It would be possible however to understand the words to mean ‘grant that this disgrace may be wiped off from our arms.’

[790] Omnipotens: see on v. 785. The passages where the epithet is used of Juno are not parallel, she being supposed to share Jove's omnipotence. It is difficult to say whether ‘pulsae’ here and ‘pulsa’ v. 793 mean beaten off or wounded. The first would on the whole be the more natural meaning here, as answering to the etymological sense of ‘tropacum’ (comp. “pulsi Turni gloria” 10. 143), and being undoubtedly the more usual meaning of the word. The second would suit v. 793 better, and is supported by Prop. 5. 9. 15, “Maenalio iacuit pulsus tria tempora ramo Cacus.” Perhaps it is safest to say that Virg. was glad to avail himself of the various associations of the word, beating off, putting to flight, and striking. Arruns might naturally regard himself as repelling an enemy, and he would characteristically express himself as if he were conquering her in fair fight and even making her fly, at the same time that the poet might be determined in his choice of the word by its further and more primitive meaning. So just below, v. 796, Gossrau, after Peerlkamp, finds a difficulty in ‘turbatam,’ as implying that Camilla did not die with fortitude. Virg. probably chose the word partly from the association of ‘proturbo’ and ‘exturbo,’ partly as suggesting the notion of routing an army, partly again as expressing the suddenness and surprise of the event. There is a somewhat similar fluctuation in the meaning of the words ‘victus’ and ‘fusus’ in such passages as 10. 842, vv. 102, 366 above.

[792] Ferant, the reading before Heins., is found in none of Ribbeck's MSS. ‘Pestis’ 7. 505., 12. 845. So “dedecus” v. 789.

[793] Heyne supposes the sense to be, that Arruns knew that no fame was to be obtained by killing a woman, like Aeneas 2. 583 foll., Peerlkamp, that though he thought the deed a glorious one, he did not ask to be known as having done it. The two views may be reconciled if we attend to the character of Arruns. He is represented as afraid of the deed he is nevertheless longing to do: he resolves to do it by stealth, at the least risk to himself: and characteristically, in praying to Apollo, he veils his cowardice under an appearance of magnanimity. He professes to wish to kill Camilla in the interest of his countrymen, who are being destroyed by a female fury, disgrace being added to injury: he extenuates the glory of the deed; after all, it is merely killing a woman, and he can afford to rest on his other exploits, so he will not claim this: and what is really an important part of his prayer, his safe return home, he affects to treat not as a matter of prayer at all, but as a sort of concession which he is willing to make. Apollo understands him, and treats the request as involving two prayers, of which he grants one and refuses the other. When the deed is done, his first impulse is to hide himself from the possible consequences: afterwards, finding himself unmolested, he is proud of it (v. 854): and his punishment is, that he is killed in the moment of his triumph, while his comrades treat his fall as a thing of no consequence. With ‘inglorius’ we may comp. 12. 322, “pressa est insignis gloria facti, Nec sese Aeneae iactavit volnere quisquam.” ‘Patriam urbem’ was the reading before Heins., but none of Ribbeck's MSS. have it.

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