[81] Sollicitus (originally a participle) has here the force of “sollicitatus.” Wakef. read ‘monstrorum’ from a MS. of Donatus.
[82] Lucosque, &c. The chief thing with a view to explaining this difficult passage is to ascertain what and where Albunea is. Heyne and Forb. take it as a spring, and Heyne's ultimate interpretation, given in a review in the Göttingen Gelehrt. Anzeig. for 1804, p. 1672, was “Albunea aqua, quae sonat fonte sacro, maxuma (aquarum) nemorum, i. e. nemoris.” But in the first place it is difficult to understand the meaning of “lucos sub Albunea aqua,” and in the second place ‘quae maxuma nemorum’ for “quae maxuma aquarum nemorum,” and that for “aquarum nemoris,” seems hardly admissible. G. 2. 15, “nemorumque Jovi quae maxuma frondet Aesculus” is not nearly so strong. Wagn., following Bonstetten's Voyage sur la scène des six derniers livres de l'Enéide (p. 205), takes Albunea as a wood, which removes some difficulties, but leaves ‘lucos sub alta Albunea’ to be explained. It is however not yet determined where Albunea itself is. Serv. places it “in altis montibus Tiburtinis,” and Heyne originally identified it with the fall of the sulphurous waters of the Albula into the Anio at Tibur: but Bonstetten thinks he has discovered it in the sulphurous spring of Altieri near the fane of Anna Perenna on the road to Ardea, and his opinion was accepted by Heyne, and is adopted by Mr. Bunbury, Dict. G. ‘Ardea.’ The former view is confirmed by Hor. 1. Od. 7. 12, where “domus Albuneae resonantis” is coupled with “praeceps Anio et Tiburni lucus,” and by Lactant. Inst. 1. 6 (quoting Varro) “decimam (Sibyllam) Tiburtem, nomine Albuneam, quae Tiburi colitur ut dea, iuxta ripas amnis Anienis.” ‘Sonat’ here and “resonantis” in Hor. seem to imply a waterfall. Mr. Long has no doubt that the Albunea was the sulphur lake (or nymph of the lake) from which issues the canal of the Albula. Virg., he says, has confused the lake and the woods round the lake. The difficulty (he continues) is that the lake is not at Tibur, but at least two Roman miles below the heights of Tibur, where the cascade is.
[83] “Nemorum quae maxuma” G. 2. 15 note. ‘Sacro:’ comp. note on G. 4. 319.
[84] ‘Mephitin’ was the old reading. ‘Mephitim’ was restored by Heins. from Med. &c. Mephitis was worshipped as a deity in various parts of Italy, as at Amsanctus (see v. 564 below), Pliny 2. 93 (95), at Cremona, Tac. H. 3. 33. It had a temple and grove at Rome on the Esquiline, Varro L. L. 5. 49, Festus s. v. “Septimontis.” Serv. says some made it a male power, connected with Leucothea like Virbius with Diana, which may possibly account for ‘saevum,’ the reading of Med. Comp. generally 6. 240. ‘Saevam’ like “saevior pestis” 3. 214. Virg. may have thought of Apoll. R. 4. 599, “λίμνης εἰς προχοὰς πολυβενθέος: ἣ δ᾽ ἔτι νῦν περ Τραύματος αἰθομένοιο βαρὺν ἀνακηκίει ἀτμόν”.
[85] Oenotria: see 1. 532.
[86] There were many oracles of this kind in Greece, generally in caves, as that of Trophonius at Lebadea and that of Amphiaraus at Thebes and Oropus. Virg. seems to have transferred the custom to Italy. Heyne remarks that Tiburtus, the founder of Tibur (mentioned below v. 670), was the son of Amphiaraus. This again tends to prove that the oracle mentioned by Virg. was at or near Tibur. Serv. observes that ‘incubare’ is the proper term for this mode of consultation, answering to ἐγκοιμᾶσθαι: comp. Plaut. Curc. 2. 2. 16, Cic. Div. 1. 43. Rams were sacrificed, and the worshipper slept in their skins, Pausan. 1. 34 (of Amphiaraus), Strabo 6. p. 284 (of Calchas in Daunia).
[89] Lucr. 4.127, “Noscas rerum simulacra vagari Multa modis multis,” Id. 1. 123, “simulacra modis pallentia miris.” Comp. also Id. 6. 789, where, though the verbal similarity is less, the passage may have been in Virg.'s mind, as the context is all about mephitic vapour.
[90] “Sermone fruuntur” 8. 468.
[91] ‘Acheronta’ for the powers of hell v. 312 below, “Flectere si nequeo Superos, Acheronta movebo.” We may either take ‘imis Avernis’ as “ex imis Avernis” with Heyne (which however would be to press rather far the transferred sense of ‘Acheronta’), or we may take it as an abl. of place, connecting it closely with ‘Acheronta,’ ‘the powers of the deepest hell.’
[92] Et tum, then too, as in other emergencies. Wagn. seems right in remarking that Latinus himself is here the priest and takes the oracle alone. But the practice seems to have been different in different places: comp. the passages quoted on v. 86 with Hdt. 1. 182, Strabo 14, pp. 649, 650. ‘Ipse,’ not, as Gossrau thinks, contrasted with messengers, but either in the sense of ‘also,’ or strengthening ‘pater.’
[94] Effultus 8. 368.
[95] Med. has ‘subito.’
[96] For ‘connubiis’ as a trisyllable see 1. 73 (which will also illustrate the construction, though ‘connubiis’ here may = “maritis”) and Munro on Lucr. 3.776, who now decides for scanning “connŭbia” there.
[97] Paratis is opposed to ‘venient,’ as ‘Latinis’ is to ‘externi:’ ready without the trouble of seeking: comp. “urbemque paratam” 4. 75, “frui paratis” Hor. 1 Od. 31. 17. ‘Credere’ of undertaking a new and untried thing, something like “se credere caelo” 6. 15. But the object of the verb may be ‘natam.’ Comp. G. 4. 48 note.
[98] Venient is the reading of Med., Pal., Rom., Gud., &c. Others, of less authority, with Serv. and a quotation in Prob. Inst. 1. 6. 3 have ‘veniunt,’ which would do very well, whether we took it literally, ‘are on their way,’ or as the prophetic present for ‘shall come.’ So Heyne and Forb. ‘Sanguine,’ by allying their blood with ours. For the plur. comp. 8. 503, “Externos optate duces.”
[99] Qui—ferant, ‘destined to raise.’ Comp. 1. 19, “Progeniem sed enim Trojano a sanguine duci Audierat Tyrias olim quae verteret arces;” ib. 286, “Nascetur . . Caesar . . famam qui terminet astris.” Heins. read ‘ferent’ from the Leyden MS., which would be neater: but perhaps we may question whether the subj. in such cases may not originally have been parallel to the future. In Enn. Alex. fr. 11 Vahlen, “Nam maxumo saltu superabit gravidus armatis equus Suo qui partu perdat Pergama ardua,” it is difficult to believe that “perdat” is not = “perdet” or “perditurus est.” In such cases an early writer will often throw light on a later. ‘In astra ferant’ probably refers to the superhuman glory of the race, rather than to the deification of Aeneas, in spite of the distinction made by Wagn. between “ferre ad astra” and “ferre in astra.” See further on 3. 158. It signifies little whether we read ‘a stirpe’ with Ribbeck from Rom., or ‘ab’ with Wagn. from Med. and Pal. The division of the MSS. here and elsewhere (see on 8. 130) shows that there is no means of judging which Virg. is likely to have preferred.
[100, 101] The Caesars (‘nepotes’) and especially Augustus are here spoken of in terms applicable at once to universal empire and divinity. Comp. E. 5. 56, “Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi Sub pedibusque videt nubes et sidera Daphnis,” with the common metaphorical expression “sub pedibus” for subjection. ‘Verti,’ which denotes the natural movement of the universe (though probably with the transferred sense of absolute disposal), is more appropriate to the god; ‘regi’ recalls the emperor: ‘shall see the world move beneath their feet in obedience to their sway.’ ‘Utrumque Oceanum,’ East and West, like “utroque ab littore” G. 3. 33, “uterque Neptunus” Catull. 29 (31). 3. ‘Recurrens’ in the language of Ps. 19. 6 (Prayer Book version), “running about unto the end of the heaven again.”
[103] Ipse is to be taken closely with ‘suo’ and is pleonastic. For ‘premit ore’ comp. the opposite expression ἔπος φύγεν ἕρκος ὀδόντων. “Premit mente” (“corde,” “pectore”) would have been the more usual phrase: but Virg. chose to combine with it the expression “premere os” (6. 155).
[104] “Libyae magnas it Fama per urbes” 4. 173.
[105] Laomedontia simply = “Troiana,” as in 8. 18, not, as in 3. 248., 4. 542, conveying a reproach.
[106] “Religarat udo Litore navim” Hor. 1 Od. 32. 7. ‘Aggere ripae’ for “ripa aggesta,” like “aggere viae” 5. 273 for “via aggesta,” “aggeribus murorum” 10. 24 for “muris aggestis.”
[107-147] ‘As the Trojans are eating after their landing, they inadvertently fulfil an oracle which said that they should one day eat their tables in the land where they were to settle, and thence conclude that they have come to the end of their wanderings.’
