[671] It is not clear whether ‘haec inter’ is meant to be taken strictly, as if the sea were represented as winding among the other seenes, or whether all that is intended is that the sea came in along with the other representations. In Il. 18. 607, 608 the ocean river runs round the shield as a kind of border, but no action is represented as taking place there. ‘Late’ may go either with ‘tumidi’ or with ‘ibat.’ ‘Ire’ of continnous extension 5. 558.
[672] Spumabant Med., ‘spumabat’ Pal., Rom., Gud. The latter would be somewhat harsh, and would give perhaps too great prominence to ‘caerula.’ Virg. apparently means that though the sea was made of gold, the effect of white billows was given, just as Hom. says Il. 18. 548 (already referred to on v. 654) that the blackness of the furrows was represented in gold. Possibly silver may have been used to represent the whiteness: but the Homeric parallel looks the other way, and the wonder would of course be enhanced if the effect could be produced by gold. ‘Cano’ is emphatic, if not ‘caerula.’ Enn. A. fr. inc. 27 has “aequora cana.” Comp. also Lucr. 2.767 “vertitur in canos candenti marmore fluctus,” where the whole context is about the changes in the colour of the sea.
[673] Argento clari i. q. “ex argento claro,” as “auro gravia” 3. 464 i. q. “ex auro gravi.” ‘In orbem:’ comp. the comParison of the evolutions of the tilters (“alternis orbibus orbis Inpediunt”) to those of dolphins 5. 594.
[674] The structure of this line resembles that of 7. 34, “Aethera mulcebant cantu lucoque volabant.” The introduction of the dolphins is probably from Hesiod, Shield 209 foll. πολλοί γε μὲν ἀμμεσον αὐτοῦ Δελφῖνες τῇ καὶ τῇ ἐθύνεον ἰχθυαοντες, Νηχομένοις ἵκελοι: δοιοὶ δ᾽ ἀναφυσιόωντες Ἀργύρεοι δελφῖνες ἐφοίνων ἔλλοπας ἰχθῦς. It can hardly be meant here that they are introduced in the seapiece that follows; so we must suppose that the sea is represented as in Hom. as a natural object, part of it being occupied by the battle. Of ‘aestumque secabant’ Serv. says “Naturalem rem ostendit: nam semper mare turbatur cum delphini apparuerint.”
[675] “‘In medio:’ utrum clipeo an mari?” Serv. Heyne and Wagn. maintain the former, Forb. the latter, as in v. 652, it is not easy to decide. The context seems rather in favour of the latter: but it must be admitted that the elaboration of the picture that follows well fits it to be a centre piece. ‘Aeratas’ is doubtless meant not only as an ordinary epithet of ships, but to indicate the material of which Vulcan made them. The dolphins were of silver, the ships of bronze, the sea of gold. ‘Actia bella’ in loose apposition to ‘classis,’ like “vina” “vites” G. 2. 97. For the adj. ‘Actia’ comp. 3. 280.
[677] Virg. may have thought of Lucr. 2.44 (47), “Fervere cum videas classem lateque vagari,” comp. by Forb. ‘Lencaten’ 3. 274. for ‘fervĕre’ comp. G. 1. 456. No other instance of ‘effulgo’ is quoted: but “fulgo” (6. 826) is occasionally found. The gold is not the golden ornaments of naval warfare, as Wagn. thinks, but simply the material of the sea (v. 672), the blaze of light giving the effect of a fierce encounter, just as fire is metaphorically attributed to war. It is strange that Heyne should have thought the hemistich a weak one, as if its absence would have improved the passage.
[678] Hinc opp. to ‘hinc’ v. 685. ‘Italos’ contrasted with the barbaric nations on the other side. ‘Agere’ of leading to battle 7. 804.
[679] Augustus was doubtless represented with all the emblems of the national cause about him. perhaps at the expense of strict military propriety. “Penatibus et magnis dis” 3. 12: see note on 2. 293. Augustus restored “aedem deum Penatium in Velia,” Monum. Ancyranum c. 19.
[680] “Stans celsa in puppi” 3. 527 note, 10. 261. So the commanders are represented 5. 132. Rom. has ‘stat.’ The flames apparently rise from the helmet, as in v. 620. They are identified with the light of the comet which appeared during the games in honour of C. Caesar (see on E. 9. 47): perhaps too there may be an allusion to the two-crested helmet of Romulus 6. 780. Comp. also the light over the head of Iulus 2. 683 note. For ‘cui’ Pal. corrected has ‘huc,’ Gud. ‘huic.’
[681]
Laeta of brightness and beauty,
like “laetos honores” 1. 591, comp. by
Forb. ‘Aperitur’ dawns, 3. 206, 275., 7.
448. So Cowley, Davideis 4. 863 (imitated,
as Wakef. remarks, by Pope, Il. 2.
570):
“Bright signs throughout your looks and
words are spread,
A rising victory dawns around your
head.
”
[682] Parte alia distinguishes Agrippa from Augustus, though both of course are included under ‘hinc’ v. 678. ‘Ventis secundis:’ the wind had been against them for five days, but changed on the sixth.
[683, 684] Arduus probably i. q. “stans celsa in puppi.” A prominent place would naturally be given to the commander in a representation like this. “Belli insigne superbum:” Agrippa is said by Vell. 2. 81, Sen. de Ben. 3. 32, to have been the only person who ever obtained this honour, which was conferred on him for his victory over Sex. Pompeins (see however Pliny 16.4). The constructon of ‘insigne’ is not clear. In Greek it would be set down as a cogn. acc.: in Latin it seems best taken as a nom. in loose apposition to the sentence. There is a similar doubt about “tormenti genus” v. 487 above. “triste ministerium” 6. 223. though in a writer like Virg. we need not assume that all are necessarily to be explained alike. ‘Corona’ prob. with ‘falgent,’ ‘rostrata’ being taken separately. On the question whether the ‘navalis corona’ was the same as the ‘rostrata’ see Dict. A. “Corona,” where it is pronounced that they are different. Virg. at any rate can hardly have wished to distinguish them, as he combines both words. There is a medal of Agrippa where he appears with the “corona rotrata” (dict. A. l. c.): while the epithet ‘navalis’ is applied to his crown not only by Virg. here but by Sen. l. c.
[685] Ope barbarica is from Enn. Andromacha fr. 9 “Vidi te (Troia) adstante ope barbarica Tectis caelatis lacuatis Auro obere instructum regifice.” ‘Variis’ expresses the different accontrements of the heterogeneous assemblage, which were doubtless represented on the shield. Heins. ingeniously conj. “Phariis;” but this would anticipate the enumeration in vv. 687, 8.
[686] Victor ab, returning in triumph from. the allusion is to the victories obtained by Antonius' legate over the Parthians, which are dwelt on, as Serv. remarks, to enhance the glory of his conqueror. ‘Aurora’ for the East Ov. M. 1. 61, “Eurus ad Auroram Nabathaeaque regna recessit.” Rom. strangely has “Europae.” ‘Litore rubro,’ the shore of the Erythraean sea. Forb. comp. Hor. 1 Od. 35. 30, “iuvenum recens Examen Eois timendum Partibus Oceanoque rubro.”
[697] Viris Orientis like “patriae viris” 6. 833.
[698] Nefas parenthetical 7. 73. Wang.'s suggestion to take it in apposition to ‘coniunx’ (comp. 2. 585) would not improve the passage. Gossrau refers to Hor. 3. Od. 5. 5 foll. to show the Roman horror of marriage with a foreigner. For the special loathing with which they regarded Antonius' alliance with Cleopatra comp. Hor. 1 Od. 37, Epod. 9, Prop. 4. 11.
[689] In the following passage Virg. seems almost to forget that he is not telling a story but describing a picture. We may suppose however that three seenes were represented, the battle (675—703), the rout (704—713), and the triumph (714—728). ‘Una omnes ruere:’ the two fleets, distinguished from each other as above, were represented in the act of conflict. ‘Reducere’ of drawing the oar back, like “adducere” 5. 141.
[690] See on 5. 143, where the same line occurs. Here Rom. and Gud. (second reading) have “rostrisque stridentibus”
[691] Alta petunt G. 1. 142. Here it must denote the representation of forward motion. The ships of Antony and Cleopatra were unusually large, Dion Cass. 50. 23. In 5. 119 a ship is compared to a city. Here the comParison to islands or mountains seems to be suggested partly by a recollection of the πλαγκταὶ νῆσοι or the Symplegades (referred to nearly in the same words by Ov. M. 7. 62, “nescio qui mediis concurrere in undis Dicuntur montes”), partly by the ‘vast Typhoean rage’ with which the giants flung mountains at the Gods. The violence of the motion seems to be the point of comParison as much as or more than the size. ‘Pelago’ with ‘innare.’
[692] Another reading ‘altis,’ found in some inferior MSS., is mentioned by Serv.
[693] Heyne refers ‘tanta mole’ to the ships, but the order is against this. It is rather to be taken with ‘instant,’ ‘mole’ being i. q. “molimine,” as in 1. 33. ‘Instant’ seems to combine the notions of standing upon and urging on. ‘turritis:’ comp. Dion Cass. l. c. καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ (σκάφη） πύργους τε ὑψηλοὺς ἐπικατεσκεύασε, καὶ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἐπανεβίβασεν, ὥστε καθάπερ ἀπὸ τειχῶν αὐτοὺς μάχεσθαι. This is said of Antony. Octavianus' ships, though more numerous, were smaller and lighter: Virg. has chosen to ignore the distinction. Serv. says Agrippa invented towers which could be put up suddenly on deck. Towers of some kind were used in ships in Caesar's time, as Gossrau remarks, citing Caes. B. G. 3. 14: but Serv. may mean that Agrippa introduced an improvement.
[694] Stuppea flamma (with which comp. ϝιργεα φλαμμα 7. 463) refers to the “malleoli” (Dict. A. s. v.), which were thrown on houses and other buildings to set fire to them. The latter part of the verse has created considerable difficulty. If darts are spoken of, there can be no distinction between ‘telis’ and ‘manu,’ both the “malleoli” and the darts being really launched from the hand. Ruhkopf thinks slinging is intended, in which case ‘telis’ would be the sling. Heyne and Jahn prefer ‘teli,’ the old reading before Heins., but it is not clear whether it has any authority, Ribbeck implicitly denying that it is found in Rom.; nor would ‘teli’ for ‘telorum’ be Virgilian. The choice seems to lie between taking ‘telis’ in close construction with ‘volatile ferrum,’ something like “pictas abiete puppis” 5. 663 note (a dat. it could hardly be), supposing ‘telis’ to be some kind of engine, a balista, as Heyne suggests, and crediting Virg. with a merely verbal distinction. ‘Volatile ferrum’ 4. 71. With the line comp. generally 12. 50, “Et nos tela, pater, ferrumque haud debile dextra Spargimus.”
[695] For ‘novus’ of a state of things succeeding another comp. 2. 228, G. 4. 357. Here there seems a further notion of strangeness, the sea being, in Aeschylean language (Persae 578), ἡ ἀμίαντος. ‘Neptunia arva’ like “campos salis” 10. 214.
[696] So Prop. 4. 11. 43 speaks of Cleopatra as “ausa . . Romanamque tubam crepitanti pellere sistro.” It is possible, as Heyne says, that the sistrum may have been used in war, though there is no evidence for it: but it is more likely that Virg. only thought of pictorial convenience in equipping the queen with the instrument. She caused herself to be represented in the character of Isis. Dion Cass. 50. 5.
[697] She is not aware that there are two serpents behind her by which she is doomed to perish. Vulcan adopted this way of signifying the manner of her death. The number ‘two’ has caused some difficulty to the commentators: but it is merely the numerical precision of an emblematic picture.
[698] The deities of the East are represented as fighting against the Roman gods like the giants against the gods in the old mythology. Comp. Hor. 3 Od. 4. 53 foll., which resembles this passage. ‘Omnigenum’ is generally supposed to be for “omnigenorum:” “omnigenus” however is of very doubtful authority, having been removed by Lachm. from Lucr. 2.759 and other passages where it had been introduced against the bulk of MS. testimony. Priscian p. 732 derives ‘omnigenum’ here from “omnigena,” which, though not found elsewhere, is perhaps more in accordance with analogy: but the word would mean ‘all-begetting’ or ‘allbegotten,’ not, as the sense seems to require, “ex omni genere.” On the whole it seems best to suppose that the word is “omnigenus,” formed from the adverbial “omne genus” or “omnigenus” (see Lachm. on Lucr. 2.759), as Appuleius forms “omnimodus” from “omnimodis.” The first reading of Med. is ‘nigenum,’ which Lachm. on Lucr. 5.440—445 thinks may point to “Niligenum:” and so Hoffinann conj. “amnigenum.” But the old reading is more forcible, expressing a Roman's contempt for the heterogeneous assemblies of deities. ‘Deum monstra’ like “monstra ferarum” 6. 285, “monstrum hominis” Ter. Eun. 4. 4. 29. We have had the combination in another sense 3. 58. ‘Latrator’ as having a dog's head. Prop. 4. 11. 41 has “Ausa Iovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubin.” He had seen the Aeneid before publication, as Heyne reminds us.
[700] Pal. corrected an Gud. originally have ‘tenens,’ which might conceivably be constructed with ‘Mavors,’ but came doubtless from a recollection of 5. 514. The introduction of Mars, who of course is merely combat personified, is scarcely consistent with an engagement among gods themselves. In the θεομαχία of Il. 20. 47 foll. Ares is one of the combatants, being opposed to Athene; it is said howover ὦρτο δ᾽ Ἔρις κρατερή, λαοσσόος, which is generally taken as a personification: and so in Il. 4. 440 after being told that Ares inspired the Greeks, Athene the Trojans, we hear of Δεῖμος, φόβος, and Ε῎ρις as common to both parties. Comp. generally 10. 761, “Pallida Tisiphone media inter milia saevit,” and with the next line 2. 337, “In flammas et in arma feror, quo tristis Erinys, Quo fremitus vocat et sublatus in aethera clamor.”
[701] Caelatus ferro, cut in iron. Rom. and Med. (second reading) have ‘divae:’ see on 4. 473. ‘ex aethere’ describes their position in the picture: they are said however to appear in heaven ready for the call of Jove 12. 849 foll. Heyne thinks Virg. has imitated Hesiod Shield 248, where the Κῆρες are represented as present at a battle, and contending for the possession of the fallen. Wagn. suggests that Virg. has translated (mistranslated?) the Homeric ἠεροφοῖτις Ἐρινύς Il. 9. 571 &c.
[702] Discordia is the Homeric Ἔρις, Il. 4. 440 &c. ‘Scissa palla’ prob. with ‘gaudens.’ The rent robe is elsewhere the sign of grief: here it seems to express violence, and is perhaps also emblematic of division.
[703] A scourge is attributed to Ares by Aesch. Ag. 642, where some commentators take φοινίαν ξυμνωρίδα of the μάστιξ.
[704] The introduction of Apollo as a combatant is in the Homeric spirit, and perhaps actually suggested, as Heyne thinks, by Il. 16. 700 foll., where however Apollo has no weapon but a shield. Propertius in his poem on the battle of Actium (El. 5. 6) makes Apollo the priucipal figure, which is itself a compliment to Augustus, who wished to be considered the som of the god. It is needless to say that such a deux ex machina is much more in place in a quasi-symbolical picture than in a narrative poem: still, we may question the propriety of making Apollo at once decide a battle where the other Olympian deities were already engaged on the side of Rome.
[705] Desuper, either from the sky or from his temple on the promontory of Actium. ‘Eo terrore’ like “quo motu” G. 1. 329, “hoc metu” 12. 468 note. ‘Aegyptos’ Pal. (originally), Rom. corrected, which it seems worth while to adopt, for the sake of uniformity with G. 4. 210.
[707] ‘Videbvatur’ may either mean was seen, or seemed, the latter referring to the graphic power of the representation. ‘Ventis vocatis’ 3. 253., 5. 211. Here it is probably abl., as there, though it might be constructed with ‘dare.’
[708] Laxos with ‘inmittere.’ ‘Inmittere funis’ is the same as “laxare rudentis” 3. 267 note (comp. “velis inmitte rudentis” 10. 229). See also on 6. 1, “classique inmittit habenas.” ‘Iam iamque’ seems to show that the picture represented the beginning of the process.
[709] “Pallida morte futura” 4. 644 note.
[710] ‘Iapyge’ Hor. 1 Od. 3. 4.
[711] The Nile is represented G. 3. 38 on the doors of the temple which Virg. speaks of erecting: there however the representation seems to be of the actual river, like those which were carried in triumphal processions, here of the river god. ‘Contra’ facing Cleopatra in the picture of the rout. ‘Magno corpore’ with ‘Nilum,’ perhaps hardly with ‘maerentem.’
[712] The god would be represented with a water-coloured robe (above, v. 33), the bosom of which he would throw open. So ‘tota veste:’ he offers them all his waters as a covert.
[713] Caeruleum gremium latebrosaque flumina ἓν διὰ δυοῖν. ‘Latebrosa’ seems simply to express the fact that by sailing up the Nile they were able to take refuge in Egypt.
[714] Augustus on his return to Rome had three days of triumph, for his successes in Dalmatia, at Actium, and at Alexandria, Suet. Oct. 22. See Mommsen, “Res Gestae d. Augusti,” p. 9. Serv. reverses the order of the two first. ‘Invectus moenia’ like “invectus undam” 7. 436.
[715] Dis Italis contrasted with “omnigenum deum monstra” v. 698. ‘Inmortale’ because the temples vowed were intended to last for ever.
[716] Virg. has apparently, as Heyne observes, made Augustus consecrate at once all the temples consecrated in the course of his reign, and has amplified their number poetically. Serv. wrongly takes this line with what follows, and so Burm.
[718] A description of the “supplicatio,” which was said “fieri ad omnia pulvinaria,” all the temples being opened. A difficulty has been made about “omnibus arae,” as if there were any novelty in every temple having an altar; but the meaning evidently is that in every temple there was a sacrifice going on. Comp. Lucr. 5.1199, “omnis accedere ad aras.”
[720] We can hardly suppose that more than one stage of the triumph was portrayed: so we must conclude that Augustus is represented as in the present line, sitting in the temple he dedicated on the Palatine, ‘Invectus’ then, v. 714, will refer to what had already taken place, and ‘sacrabat’ will be used generally, the act here described being the culmination of the whole. ‘Niveo’ refers to the marble of the temple, which was brought, as Serv. tells us, from the bay of Luna. So ‘candentis,’ though there is also a reference to the dazzling brightness of the young sun-god, as in Hor. 1 Od. 2. 31, comp. by Forb.
[721] Dona populorum is generally explained of the golden crowns given by conquered nations to their conquerors, before whom they were carried in a triumph. But it may be referred more widely to the spoils, which, being dedicated by the conqueror, may be said to be the gifts of the conquered to the gods.
[722] Representatives of the conquered nations formed part of the triumphal procession. comp. the sculptures G. 3. 30 foll. Serv. tells us that Augustus built a protico adorned with images of all nations and entitled “Ad nationes.” Rom. has ‘incendunt’ for ‘incedunt,’ ‘matres’ for ‘gentes,’ the latter doubtless from 2. 766.
[723] Variae linguis like “diversa locis” G. 4. 367. “Habitus armorum” occurs Livy 9. 36.
[724] Nomadum: Bogudes, king of Mauretania, was ohe of Antonius' allies, Dion Cass. 50. 6, 11. ‘Discinctos’ seems to describe the national costume of the Carthaginians, and probably other African nations, who wore no girdles, as appears from Plaut. Poen. 5. 2. 48, Sil. 3. 235, Livy 35. 11. Juv. 8. 120 seems to allude to this, though he chooses to ascribe the loss of the girdle to their roman oppressors, who stripped them of their purses. For ‘hic’ here and in the next line Pal., Gud., and some others read ‘hinc.’
[725] The Leleges and Carians (Il. 10. 428, 9) stand for the nations of Asia Minor. ‘Gelonos’ G. 2. 115., 3. 461, called “pharetratos” by Hor. 3 Od. 4. 35.
[726] Pictures of rivers were carried in triumph. Comp. G. 3. 28. ‘Mollior undis’ i. q. “mollioribus undis.” ‘Mollior’ opposed to swelling, “undantem bello magnumque fluentem,” G. 3. l. c. So “mollior aestas” G. 1. 312 = “mitior.” The image seems modelled on Hor. 2 Od. 9. 21, “Medumque flumen gentibus additum Victis minores volvere vertices.”
[727] The verb is supplied from ‘ibat.’ ‘Morini’ (Dict. G.). ‘Bicornis:’ comp. v. 77, G. 4. 371 note. Here the reference is supposed to be to the two mouths of the river, Rhenus and Vahalis.
[728] Dahae Dict. G. ‘Pontem indignatus’ symbolizes what is expressed more directly by ‘indomiti.’ According to Serv., it was actually bridged over by Augustus, a bridge thrown over it in former days by Alexander having been swept away. The erection of a bridge is of course understood to be a sign of mastery, indicating human power and tending to substitute civilization for primitive wildness.
