“Hesperia” being an ancient name for Italy, “Hesperius” will be equivalent to ancient or primitive. Connect ‘protions coluere sacrum,’ kept up the observance of it; ‘protinus’ denoting that the custom passed without a break from the ancient Latins to the Albans, like “porro” 5. 600. Here as elsewhere (1. 6. 265 foll., 12. 826) Virg. makes Alba succeed to Latium, Rome to Alba. Bearing this in mind, we need hardly inquire whether he had any definite meaning in “urbes Albanae,” such as the Alban colonies. Livy 1. 19 assigns this institution, like other parts of Roman religion, to Numa.
 For the grammatical relation between ‘maxuma’ and ‘rerum’ see on G. 2. 534, “Roma—pulcherrima rerum.” The ordinary sense of the gen. as partitive may be supported from Hor. Carm. Saec. 11, “possis nihil urbe Roma Visere maius.” “Hinc maxuma porro Accepit Roma” 5. 600.
 Prima is adverbial, though agreeing with ‘proelia.’ ‘Movent in proelia Martem:’ the image seems to be that of crying on a god with the intent of rousing him, if not of laying hands on his statue. See on 8. 3. We may compare the Homeric ἐγείρειν Ἄρηα Il. 4. 352., 8. 531.
 The allusions which follow are probably all to the foreign wars of Augustus. The Getae represent the tribes on the Danube, whose incursions disturbed that frontier of the empire (G. 2. 497), and against whom Lentulus made a successful expedition about A.U.C. 729. Catullus (11. 5. foll.) mentions the Hyrcanians and Arabians together with the Sacae and Parthians as representatives of the East, and perhaps the Hyrcani and Arabians are used in the same general way here. A special expedition was however made into Arabia Felix by Aelius Gallus, governor of Egypt under Augustus, in A.U.C. 728—30, according to Mommsen, Mon. Ancyr. p. 74. The rest relates to the real diplomatic success and imaginary warlike victories of Augustus in the East; to his protection of Tiridates, the defeated pretender to the throne of Parthia, who fled to him when he was in Syria after the battle of Actium, and to his recovery of the standards and captive soldiers of Crassus through the fears of the newly restored king Phraates A.U.C. 729. Comp. 6. 794 foll., G. 3. 30 foll. ‘Lacrimabile bellum’ is the Homeric πολύδακρυς Ἄρης, δακρυόεις πόλεμος. ‘Manu,’ 2. 645 &c.
 ‘Hyrcanisque Arabisque’ is the reading of MSS. mentioned by Pierius, and is partially supported by fragm. Vat., which has ‘Hyrcanisque,’ but afterwards is defective or illegible. ‘Arabis’ as if from “Arabus,” “Arabibus” being metrically unmanageable. The adj. ‘Arabus’ is cited by Charisius p. 99 from Plaut. Poen. 5. 4. 6, where the common reading is “Arabius,” from a passage, now lost, in the Bacchides of the same author, and from Lucilius, Book 25; he also quotes ‘Arabi’ as a substantive from a letter of C. Cassius to Dolabella. Serv. comp. “Aethiops,” “Aethiopus,” “Hiber,” “Hiberus.” ‘Indos:’ comp. 8. 705, G. 2. 172, Hor. 1 Od. 12. 56.
 The reference is to the gates of Janus, once supposed to have been the gates of a temple, but now agreed to have been two doors at each end of a passage where a statue of Janus stood. Virg. calls them ‘Belli portae’ here and in 1. 294, which agrees with Plut. Numa 19, ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ (Numa) καὶ νεὼς ἐν Ῥώμῃ δίθυρος, ὃν Πολέμου Πύλην καλοῦσι. Comp. also the lines from Ennius cited on v. 622. ‘Sic nomine dicunt’ would certainly seem to show that the name was a recognized one. It is difficult to say whether Virg. means ‘Bellum’ here to be confined within the gates, like Fury 1. 294. The guardianship of Janus would seem to imply that there is some one or something to guard.
 Formidine, the terrible influence or presence: comp. G. 4. 468, “caligantem nigra formidine lucum.” “Religione sacer” 8. 598. Here the more special ‘formidine Martis’ explains the general ‘religione.’ Mars seems to be introduced simply as the patron of everything warlike, not identified with ‘Bellum,’ at least if ‘Bellum’ is intended to be confined within the gates.
 Sedet: comp. v. 368., 2. 660 &c. “Sententia sedit” 11. 551. ‘Pugnae’ probably with ‘sententia’ rather than with ‘certa,’ though ‘sententia pugnae’ for a resolution in favour of war seems unexampled.
 Quirinali trabea as “Quirinali lituo” v. 187. The ‘trabea’ (“parva trabea” v. 187) was probably transmitted with the other of the regal insignia from the kings to the consuls as the heirs of their majesty. Juv. 8. 259, “Ancilla natus trabeam et diadema Quirini—meruit.” The ‘cinctus Gabinus’ was formed by girding the toga tight round the body by one of its “laciniae” or loose ends. It appears to have been one of the primitive fashions which were preserved on sacred occasions. Its connexion with Gabii is unexplained. Serv. has a story that Gabii was invaded during the performance of a sacrifice, whereupon the citizens went in their sacrificial ‘cinctus’ and repulsed the enemy.
 Has—reserat stridentia limina is an anacoluthon common in Greek (e. g. Soph. El. 1364, τοὺς γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ λόγους Πολλαὶ κυκλοῦνται νύκτες ἡμέραι τ᾽ ἴσαι, Αἳ ταῦτά σοι δείξουσιν, Ἠλέκτρα, σαφῆ). There is a similar instance 2. 438 foll., where Virg. begins intending to construct “ingentem pugnam” with “cernimus,” and then interposes a parenthetical clause which suggests the variation of the expression and the introduction of a new acc. ‘Limina’ = “fores,” as in 2. 479. ‘Stridentia:’ “foribus cardo stridebat aenis” 1. 449.
 Vocat pugnas does not simply mean ‘proclaims war,’ though that is really what the image comes to, but expresses the notion that there was some presence within the gates which the consul had to evoke. See on v. 603., 8. 3. ‘Sequitur,’ takes up the cry: comp. 9. 54, 636. Serv. however says that the phrases ‘vocat’ and ‘sequitur’ refer to the special kind of service called “evocatio” (“nam ad subitum bellum evocabantur”) when the consul used the words “Qui rempublicam salvam esse volt me sequatur.”
 The blowing of horns or trumpets follows the proclamation of war in 8. 2.
 Iubebatur indicere bella implies a constitutional monarchy like that of legendary Rome, in which the king was the first magistrate, and made peace and war by consent of the Comitia Curiata and Senate (see Lewis 1. p. 415), an idea which is not sustained throughout. Latinus makes a covenant with the Trojans on his own authority v. 266, and he is called “tyrannus” v. 342.
 Pater expresses the feelings of a good king.
 “Triste ministerium” 6. 223. ‘Umbris,’ the deepest retirement of the palace. So Amphiaraus is said “atra sede legi” Stat. Theb. 3. 571, and Oedipus ib. 1. 49 is spoken of as “indulgentem tenebris imaeque recessu Sedis inaspectos caelo radiisque penatis Servantem.”
 The king refusing to perform his second and indispensable function, and nobody, according to Roman ideas, being able to perform it for him, Juno descends to remove the obstacle to war. ‘Morantis,’ “bella differentis” Serv. “Caelo delapsa” 5. 722.
 Inpulit, thrust open: comp. 1. 82 note. “Ipsa manu” G. 4. 329 &c. ‘Cardine verso’ (3. 448) implies that the gates were thrown open, not burst from their hinges. We need not inquire how the bars were removed. ‘Rumpit’ will then express violent opening.
 Rumpit Med., ‘rupit’ Rom.: fragm. Vat. Wagn. and Ribbeck adopt the former; Heyne retained the latter. As in other cases (see vv. 458, 9 above), it is not easy to choose. Horace (1 S. 4. 60) quotes from an old poet “Postquam Discordia tetra Belli ferratos postis portasque refregit.” The Scholiasts intimate that the poet is Ennius, and so says Serv. on this passage. For the double denomination ‘regina deum—Saturnia’ comp. 1. 195 foll., 411 foll., 691 foll. Here there is nothing to difference the second designation from the first: but the repetition leads us to dwell on Juno's personality. ‘Postis’ = “fores,” as in 2. 493 &c.
 Inexcita i. q. “inexcitabilis:” comp. “invictus,” “indomitus” &c. The word occurs Stat. Achill. 2. 352. ‘Ante,’ till the sacred gates of War were opened. ‘Ardet’ indicates the instantaneous effect of the opening. Ribbeck changes the order of the following lines, supposing 624—627 to have been written by the poet as an alternative with 638—640, which in the autograph copy they preceded, and to have been transposed accidentally by a confusion of the transcriber between ‘signa’ v. 628 and ‘signum’ v. 637. But 624— 627 really answer not to 638—640, but to the whole 629—640, combining, what in the longer passage are kept separate, preparing for the fight and actually taking the field. The scouring of shields and sharpening of axes would precede, not follow, the sounding of the trumpet. The simple fact is that Virg. has chosen to give a brief general description first, a more detailed one after. It is possible of course that he may not have intended both to stand, though the possibility is infinitesimal; but in that case we must suppose that he wrote the lines in the order in which we have them, but that on revision he would have left out vv. 624—627, if not v. 628.
 “Pedes apparat ire” 10. 453. “It campis” 4. 404. ‘Pars arduus’ &c. is a mixture of two common constructions, “pars ardua” and “pars ardui” (nom. masc.), resulting, no doubt, from the use of ‘pedes’ immediately before. For ‘arduus’ comp. v. 285, “Sublimes in equis redeunt.” ‘Pulverulentus furit’ should, as Forb. says, be taken closely together, as if it were “furendo pulverem excitat:” this will remove the difficulty of the two epithets, ‘arduus altis equis’ alone being opposed to ‘pedes.’
 Tergunt was introduced by Heyne, from a misunderstanding of the critical notices of Pierius and Heins. It is really supported only by a correction in Gud., by some MSS. of less authority, including Canon. and Balliol, and by some notices in the grammarians, who speak of it as equally admissible with ‘tergent,’ though Serv. says ‘tergo tergis’ is obsolete. ‘Levis’ and ‘lucida’ are of course proleptic.
 Serv. quotes Suetonius de Vitiis Corporalibus to prove that ‘arvina’ is the hard fat between the skin and the flesh: others however, he says, gave the name to lard. The only other writers who use it, Prudentius and Sidonius Apollinaris, make it a synonyme for fat. ‘Subigunt,’ rub down, and so, whet. So it is used of kneading bread: see Freund. For ‘securis’ see on v. 510.
 This line describes the march of the assembling troops. ‘Signa ferre,’ to advance, 8. 498 (comp. “inferre signa,” “conferre signa”), with the notion also of course of the pride taken in displaying or advancing the standards. Med. has ‘iubet,’ the same variety as in 4. 498, from which Heins. plausibly suggests ‘lubet,’ a variety actually found along with ‘iuvat’ 9. 514. But the copyist may have thought of 8. 498, “signaque ferre iubent.” Generally we may comp. Hor. 1 Od. 1. 23, “Multos castra iuvant et lituo tubae Permixtus sonitus,” which may have been in Virg.'s mind.
 Quinque adeo, literally, as many as five great cities: but ‘adeo’ should in fact merely be rendered by an emphasis on ‘quinque:’ see on v. 427., 3. 203. ‘Positis incudibus:’ they set up anvils, for which they had previously had no occasion. Forb. comp. Ov. F. 4. 473, “Antraque Cyclopum positis exusta caminis.”
 Tela novant like “transtra novant” 5. 752. Comp. Hor. 1 Od. 35. 38, “O utinam nova Incude diffingas retusum in Massagetas Arabasque ferrum.” Atina is apparently regarded by Virg. as a Latin city, though it seems to have been originally Volscian, while historically it was Samnite (Dict. G. s. v.). Tibur is called ‘superbum’ doubtless with reference to its position, though Serv. fancies there is an allusion to an answer given by the Roman senate on one occasion to a Tiburtine embassy, “superbi estis.”
 Ardea above v. 411. ‘Crustumeri’ would seem to be the inhabitants of Crustumerium, the people being mentioned instead of the town on metrical grounds: they are however generally called “Crustumini,” and the place is sometimes called “Crustumium,” which would have suited the metre. For the questions about its origin see Dict. G. It was said to have been conquered by Romulus along with Antemnae and Caenina, all of which took up arms to avenge the rape of their women at the Consualia (Livy. 1. 9. foll.). There are similar questions about the origin of Antemnae (Dict. G.). Sil. 8. 365 calls it “prisco Crustumio prior.” It was so called from its position “ante amnem,” below the confluence of the Anio and Tiber.
 The framework of the shield was made of twisted osiers, which were covered with hides and finally bound round with metal (Dict. A. ‘Clipeus’). Hence ἰτέα is used for a shield Eur. Supp. 697, Tro. 1201. We may say either that “umbo” is put for the whole shield, or that ‘cratis umbonum’ is the wickerwork to which the boss was fitted. Lersch. § 31 comp. Caes. B. G. 2. 33 “partim scutis ex cortice factis aut viminibus intextis, quæ subito, ut temporis exiguitas postulabat, pellibus induxerant,” arguing that it was the “scutum,” not the “clipeus,” that was so constructed. Others comp. the Persian γέρ᾽ῥον, Hdt. 7. 61, of which ‘crates’ may be a translation. “Crateras aenos” 9. 165.
 It matters little whether ‘lento argento’ be taken with ‘ocreas’ as a material abl. or with ‘ducunt.’ The former would be more symmetrical: but the latter is more in accordance with Virg.'s love of variety, as if “ducunt thoracas aere” had preceded, and is supported by Pliny 7. 37, “[Alexander] edixit ne quis ipsum alius quam Lysippus ex aere duceret;” Appul. Flor. 1, “qui solus effigiem regis Polycletus aere duceret,” quoted by Forb. ‘Ducere’ in these cases is to extend by beating, and answers nearly to our sense of ἐλαύνειν, as “ducere murum” (1. 423) does to another. The spondaic metre expresses the slowness of the process. Forb. asserts that ‘ocreas’ is to be pronounced as a dissyllable, being apparently misled by one or two of the early writers on metre, who quote this line as one which would be purely spondaic if ‘ocreas’ were so pronounced or changed e.g. into “lamnas” (see Marius Plotius De Metris pp. 247, 251 of Gaisford's Seriptt. Latt. Rei Metr., Diomedes p. 495). Serv.'s remark “est autem spondaicus et reciprocus versus” (“reciprocus” rhyming, alluding to “lento—argento”) only means that there is a spondee in the 5th place. “Leves ocreas” 8. 624, where the metal is gold and electrum: comp. 11. 488.
 Huc cessit: the esteem in which agriculture was held is swallowed up in the enthusiasm for war. They cease to make agricultural implements, and perhaps, though this is not expressly stated, turn them into warlike weapons, as in G. 1. 508, where the imagery is generally parallel (comp. especially v. 506, “non ullus aratro Dignus honos”). With ‘huc cessit,’ which implies that one feeling has passed into the other, comp. 8. 395, “fiducia cessit Quo tibi, diva, mei?” Virg. seems generally to have had in his mind the description in Lucr. 5 of the gradual discovery of the use of metals, “Nunc iacet aes, aurum in summum successit honorem” (v. 1275); comp. the following lines, where ‘honore’ occurs twice, “Inde minutatim processit ferreus ensis Versaque in opprobrium species est falcis aenae” (vv. 1293, 4), quoted as parallel by Macrob. Sat. 6. 1).
 Iamque second in a clause 3. 588., 5. 225. “Classica” G. 2. 539, here used in its strict sense of the sound of the horn which called the Romans together to battle or other assemblies. ‘Tessera,’ Dict. A. s. v., originally a cube used as a token or tally, hence, as here, a watchword, which passes, ‘it,’ from man to man. The preparations are over, and the actual march begins.
 Tectis from his house, from the chamber where it is stored.
 Cogit: brings together, implying that a pair are to be yoked. The more ordinary expression would be “sub iuga cogit,” as in Moretum 113. Stat. Theb. 7. 136 (quoted by Forb.) has “alienaque cogunt Ad iuga cornipedes,” an imitation which shows that ‘ad iuga’ here does not go with ‘frementis,’ like “fremit ad caulas” 9. 60. “Auro trilicem Loricam:” see on 3. 467.
[641-646] ‘Sing, Muses, of the Italian chiefs and their followers.’