TEMPORAL CLAUSES IN GENERIC SENTENCES
[*] 2409. If the leading verb denotes a repeated or customary action or a general truth, a temporal clause takes the subjunctive with
ἄν after primary tenses, the optative after secondary tenses. The negative is
μή. Cp.
2336.
a. A present tense denotes action continuing (not completed) and is of the same time as that of the leading verb; an aorist tense denotes action simply occurring (completed) and time usually antecedent to that of the leading verb when the action of the dependent clause takes place before the action of the main clause. In clauses of contemporaneous action the aorist denotes the same time as that of the main verb; in clauses of subsequent action, time later than that of the main verb.
b. ὡς is rare in these temporal clauses (
Hdt. 1.17, 4. 172;
ὅκως with the optative occurs in 1. 17, 1.
68).
c. On Homeric similes with
ὡς ὅτε, ὡς ὁπότε, see
2486.
[*] 2410. In temporal sentences of indefinite frequency the temporal clause has the subjunctive with
ἄν when the principal clause has the present indicative, or any other tense denoting a present customary or repeated action or a general truth. Cp.
2337.
μαινόμεθα πάντες ὁπόταν ὀργιζώμεθα we are all mad whenever we are angry Philemon 184,
φωνή τις, ἥ, ὅταν γένηται, ἀεὶ ἀποτρέπει με a kind of voice which,
whenever it comes, always deters me P. A. 31d,
ὅταν σπεύδῃ τις αὐτός, χὡ θεὸς συνάπτεται whenever a man is eager himself,
God too works with him A. Pers. 742, ““
ἕως ἂν σῴζηται τὸ σκάφος . . ., χρὴ καὶ ναύτην καὶ κυβερνήτην . . . προθύ_μους εἶναι . . ., ἐπειδὰν δ᾽ ἡ θάλαττα ὑπέρσχῃ, μάταιος ἡ σπουδή”
as long as the vessel remains in safety, both sailor and pilot should exert themselves; but when the sea has overwhelmed it, their efforts are fruitless”
D. 9.69, ““
ποιοῦμεν ταῦθ᾽ ἑκάστοθ᾽ . . . ἕως ἂν αὐτὸν ἐμβάλωμεν ἐς κακόν”
we do this on each occasion until we plunge him into misfortune”
Ar. Nub. 1458.
[*] 2411. The verb of the main clause may stand in the participle, or in other tenses than the present indicative:
καίπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἐν ᾧ μὲν ἂν πολεμῶσι, τὸν παρόντα (
πόλεμον) ““
ἀεὶ μέγιστον κρι_νόντων”
although men always consider the present war the greatest so long as they are engaged in it”
T. 1.21,
ὅταν δ᾽ ἑτέρῳ ταῦτα παραδῷ, καταλέλυκε τὴν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ δυναστεία_ν but whenever he surrenders these rights
to another, he destroys once and for all his own sovereignty Aes. 3.233, ““
πολέμιοι . . . ἤδη ὅταν . . . καταδουλώσωνταί τινας, πολλοὺς δὴ βελτί_ους ἠνάγκασαν εἶναι”
enemies ere now have forced improvement upon those whom they have enslaved”
X. O. 1.23 (cp.
2338),
πολλάκις ἐθαύμασα τῆς τόλμης τῶν λεγόντων ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, πλὴν ὅταν ἐνθυ_μηθῶ κτλ.
I have often marvelled at the effrontery of the speakers in his behalf, except when (
ever)
I consider, etc.
L. 12.41.
[*] 2412.
ἄν (
κέ) is frequently omitted in Homer, and occasionally in lyric and dramatic poetry and in Herodotus, e.g. ““
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἁμάρτῃ, κεῖνος οὐκέτ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἀνὴρ ἄβουλος”
but whenever a man commits an error, that man is no longer heedless”
S. Ant. 1025.
[*] 2413. The present indicative is very rarely used instead of the subjunctive with
ἄν in temporal clauses of indefinite frequency. Thus,
περὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἀδικούντων, ὅτε (
ὅτου conj.)
δικάζονται, δεῖ παρὰ τῶν κατηγόρων πυθέσθαι with regard to other malefactors, one has to learn during their trial (lit.
when they are tried)
from the accusers L. 22.22. Cp.
2342.
[*] 2414. In temporal sentences of indefinite frequency the temporal clause has the optative when the principal clause has the imperfect or any other tense denoting a past customary or repeated action.
ἐθήρευεν ἀπὸ ἵππου ὁπότε γυμνάσαι βούλοιτο ἑαυτόν he was wont to hunt on horseback,
whenever he wanted to exercise himself X. A. 1.2.7, ““
ὁπότε ὥρα_ εἴη ἀ_ρίστου, ἀνέμενεν αὐτοὺς ἔστε ἐμφάγοιέν τι”
whenever it was breakfast time, he used to wait until they had eaten something”
X. C. 8.1.44,
περιεμένομεν ἑκάστοτε ἕως ἀνοιχθείη τὸ δεσμωτήριον: ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνοιχθείη, εἰσῇμεν we used to wait about on each occasion until the prison was opened; but when (
ever)
it was opened, we used to go in P. Ph. 59d. Observe that
ἀνοιχθείη marks a repeated past action (
until it was regularly opened) and represents the thought of the subject (
until it should be opened, cf. 2420; i.e. direct =
ἕως ἂν ἀνοιχθῇ).
[*] 2415. The optative is rare after a primary tense, and occurs only when that tense includes a reference to the past (
ω 254; cp.
2573).—
ὅτε κεν with the optative occurs once (I
525).
[*] 2416. Other tenses than the imperfect in the principal clause:
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ . . .
ἀνα_ΐξειεν Ὀδυσσεύς, στάσκεν, ὑπαὶ δὲ ἴδεσκε κτλ. (cp.
495)
but whenever Odysseus arose,
he always
kept his position and looked down T 215,
ὁπότε προσβλέψειέ τινας τῶν ἐν ταῖς τάξεσιν, εἶπεν ἄν κτλ.
whenever he looked toward any of the men in the ranks,
he would say, etc.
X. C. 7.1.10. Cp.
2341.
[*] 2417. The indicative (cp.
2342) is rare in temporal clauses of past indefinite frequency, as ““
καὶ ᾖδον καὶ ἐχόρευον ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι αὐτοὺς ὄψεσθαι ἔμελλον”
they both sang and danced whenever the enemy were likely to look at them”
X. A. 4.7.16. So with
ὁσάκις referring to particular events of repeated occurrence, as
ὁσάκις κεχορήγηκε . . . νενί_κηκε as often as he has been choregus,
he has gained a victory X. M. 3.4.3.
TEMPORAL CLAUSES DENOTING PURPOSE
[*] 2418. Temporal conjunctions denoting limit as to duration (
so long as,
while) or limit as to termination (
until,
till) may imply purpose.
a. So
ἕως till,
against the time when, in order that,
πρίν before,
in order that not.
ὄφρα (poet.) is usually final (
in order that) rather than temporal (
so long as,
while,
till,
up to the time that). Sometimes in post-Homeric Greek
ἕως and the subjunctive (with or without
ἄν) has a touch of purpose.
[*] 2419. In the
Odyssey ἕως, usually with the aorist optative after a secondary tense, is almost a final conjunction. Thus,
δῶκεν . . . ἔλαιον εἵως χυτλώσαιτο she gave olive oil that (
against the time when)
she might anoint herself ζ 79. So
δ 799,
ε 385,
τ 367. In
ι 375 the present optative expresses durative action (
θερμαίνοιτο gradually get hot).
[*] 2420. After a secondary tense
ἕως with the aorist optative sometimes in Attic prose implies an
expectation,
hope, or
purpose on the part of the subject of the main verb that the action of the temporal clause may be attained. Since such optatives are due to the principle of indirect discourse, the subjunctive with
ἄν, denoting mere futurity, might have been used instead.
σπονδὰ_ς ἐποιήσαντο ἕως ἀπαγγελθείη τὰ λεχθέντα they made a truce (which they hoped would last)
until the terms should be announced X. H. 3.2.20 (here we might have had
ἕως ἂν ἀπαγγελθῇ),
τὰ ἄλλα χωρία εἶχον μένοντες ἕως σφίσι κἀ_κεῖνοι ποιήσειαν ( =
ἂν ποιήσωσι)
τὰ εἰρημένα they retained the other places, waiting until they (the Lacedaemonians)
on their part should have performed for them (the Athenians)
what had been agreed on T. 5.35. Compare
ἕως ἂν ταῦτα διαπρά_ξωνται φυλακὴν . . . κατέλιπε he left a garrison (to remain there)
until they should settle these matters X. H. 5.3.25 (here
ἕως διαπρά_ξαιντο might have been used). Other examples are
L. 13.25,
Is. 1.10, 7. 8 (
ἕως οὗ?),
X. H. 4.4.9,
D. 27.5, 29. 43 (
τέως), 33. 8; cp. also
Ar. Eq. 133. Present optative in
T. 3.102,
X. H. 5.4.37.
[*] 2421.
ἕως ἄν with the optative occurs rarely where it might be thought that the simple optative or
ἄν with the subjunctive should be used. Many editors emend, but
ἄν may generally be defended as potential, expressing the conviction of the agent. Thus,
εἵλεσθε ἄνδρας εἴκοσι: τούτους δὲ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῆς πόλεως, ἕως ἂν οἱ νόμοι τεθεῖεν you elected twenty men whose duty it should be
to care for the State until such a time as in all probability
the laws would be made And. 1.81. Cp.
S. Tr. 687, I.17, 15,
P. Ph. 101d. So
ὅταν A. Pers. 450,
πρὶν ἄν X. H. 2.3.48,2.4.18.
SUMMARY OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF ἕως AND OF OTHER WORDS MEANING BOTH SO LONG AS AND UNTIL
e(/ws so long as, while: Temporal Limit as to Duration (during the time when）
[*] 2422.
Indicative, when the action of the temporal clause denotes definite duration in the present or past. The present often connotes cause (
while,
now that, because). The imperfect is used of past action: the main clause has the imperfect usually, but the aorist occurs (
T. 5.60).
[*] 2423.
Subjunctive (present) with
ἄν, when the action lies in the
a. Future, and the verb of the main clause is future indicative or an equivalent form.
b. Present, and the verb of the main clause states a present customary or repeated action or a general truth.
[*] 2424. The present optative (of future time) is very rare: in dependence on a past tense (
X. H. 5.4.37, Aristotle, Athen. Pol. 28 end); by regular assimilation (2186 b) in a
less vivid condition (
P. Th. 155a).
e(/ws until, till: Temporal Limit as to Termination (up to the time when）
[*] 2425.
Indicative, of a definite present or past action. The present connotes cause. The aorist is normally used of past action: the main verb is usually imperfect, but the aorist occurs (
I. 17.12).
a. Of a future action the future is very rare:
X. C. 7.5.39 (
ἐς ὅ Hdt. 9.58).
[*] 2426.
Subjunctive with
ἄν, when the action lies in the
a. Future, and the main clause contains a verb referring to the future (except the optative without
ἄν). The tense is usually the aorist: the present marks overlapping.
b. Present, and the verb of the main clause states a present customary or repeated action or a general truth.
[*] 2427.
Optative (usually aorist), when the action lies in the
a. Future, and depends on an optative with
ἄν.
b. Past, and depends on a secondary tense expressing or implying indirect discourse. Here the optative represents
ἄν with the subjunctive after a primary tense.
c. Past, and the verb of the main clause states a past customary or repeated action.
N.—The present optative in
b is rare; the future optative occurs only in
X. H. 4.4.9, where some read the aorist.
[*] 2428. Conjunctions meaning
until may have, as an implied or expressed antecedent,
μέχρι τούτου up to the time. Thus,
μέχρι τούτου Λα_σθένης φίλος ὠνομάζετο, ἕως προὔδωκεν ῎ Ολυνθον Lasthenes was called a friend (
up to the time when)
until he betrayed Olynthus D. 18.48.
[*] 2429. With conjunctions meaning
until, when the principal clause is
affirmative, it is implied that the action of the verb of the principal clause continues only up to the time when the action of the verb of the
until clause takes place. Thus, in the passage cited in 2428, it is implied that Lasthenes ceased to be called a friend after he had betrayed Olynthus.
a. When the principal clause is
negative, it is implied that the action of the verb of the principal clause does not take place until the action of the
until clause takes place; as in ““
οὐ πρότερον ἐπαύσαντο ἕως τὴν πόλιν εἰς στάσεις κατέστησαν”
they did not stop until they divided the city into factions”
L. 25.26. In sentences like
δεῖ μὴ περιμένειν ἕως ἂν ἐπιστῶσιν we must not wait until they are upon us (
I. 4.165), by reason of the meaning of
περιμένειν the action of the principal clause ceases before the action of the
until clause takes place.
GENERAL RULE FOR πρίν BEFORE, UNTIL
[*] 2430.
πρίν is construed like other conjunctions meaning
until except that it takes the infinitive as well as the indicative, subjunctive, and optative.
[*] 2431. After an
affirmative clause
πρίν usually takes the infinitive and means
before.
[*] 2432. After a
negative clause
πρίν means
until, and usually takes the indicative (of definite time), the subjunctive or optative (of indefinite time).
a. The subjunctive or optative is never used with
πρίν unless the principal clause is negative.
b. When the principal clause is negative,
πρίν is construed like
ἕως and other words for
until (
οὐ πρίν ῀ ἕως).
[*] 2433. When the principal clause is affirmative, the clause with
πρίν simply adds a closer definition of the time. When the principal clause is negative,
πρίν defines the time as before, but the closer definition serves also as a
condition that must be realized before the action of the principal clause can be realized. Thus, ““
μὴ ἀπέλθητε πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσητε”
do not go away until you hear”
X. A. 5.7.12 (i.e.
without hearing =
ἐὰ_ν μὴ ἀκούσητε). Cp.
οὔτε γὰρ εἰρήνην οἷόν τε βεβαία_ν ἀγαγεῖν, ἢν μὴ κοινῇ τοῖς βαρβάροις πολεμήσωμεν, οὔθ᾽ ὁμονοῆσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, π ρ ὶ ν ἂν . . . τοὺς κινδύ_νους πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς ποιησώμεθα neither is it possible to make a lasting peace unless we war in common against the barbarians,
nor can the Greeks attain unanimity of sentiment until we encounter our perils in the front of the same enemies I. 4.173.
[*] 2434.
πρίν is used with the aorist or (less often) with the imperfect indicative only when
πρίν is equivalent to
ἕως until; but, when the verb of the main clause is negatived,
πρίν may be translated by
before or
until. When
πρίν must be rendered by
before, it takes the infinitive.
ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτης ἀφί_κετο I was doing this until Socrates arrived (rare even in poetry; cp.
2441 c).
οὐ ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτης ἀφί_κετο I was not doing this until (or
before)
Socrates arrived.
ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτην ἀφικέσθαι (not
Σωκράτης ἀφί_κετο)
I was doing this before Socrates arrived.
[*] 2435. It is correct to say
οὐ ποιήσω τοῦτο πρὶν ἂν κελεύσῃς, ποιήσω (or
οὐ ποιήσω)
τοῦτο πρὶν κελεῦσαι, but incorrect to say
ποιήσω τοῦτο πρὶν ἂν κελεύσῃς.
[*] 2436. The action of an infinitive introduced by
πρίν before may or may not (according to the sense) actually take place at some time later than the action of the leading verb. The clause with
πρίν signifies merely that the action of the infinitive had not taken place at the time of the leading verb.
[*] 2437. The clause with
πρίν may precede or follow the correlated clause. Cp.
2455.
[*] 2438.
πρίν is originally a comparative adverb meaning
before, i.e.
sooner or
formerly; and seems to be connected with
πρό, πρότερον before. The adverbial force survives in Attic only after the article, as ““
ἐν τοῖς πρὶν λόγοις”
in the foregoing statements”
T. 2.62. The adverbial and original use appears also in Homer wherever
πρίν occurs with the indicative, the anticipatory (futural) subjunctive (
1810), or the optative with
κέ. Thus,
τὴν δ᾽ ἐγὼ οὐ λύ_σω: πρίν μιν καὶ γῆρας ἕπεισιν but her I will not release; sooner shall old age come upon her A 29,
οὐδέ μιν ἀνστήσεις: πρὶν καὶ κακὸν ἄλλο πάθῃσθα nor shalt thou recall him to life; sooner (
before this)
thou wilt suffer yet another affliction Ω 551.—From this early coördination was developed the construction of the
conjunction πρίν with the finite moods; but in general only after Homer, who never uses the indicative, and the optative only once (
Φ 580), with
πρίν. The required sense was given by
ἕως or
πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δή. A finite mood was first used of the future, and after negative clauses (
οὐ πρότερον πρίν like
οὐ πρότερον ἕως).—Homer commonly uses the infinitive with
πρίν meaning
before and
until. Here the infinitive (as with
ὥστε) simply states the abstract verbal notion, and thus has no reference to differences of time or mood;
πρίν being used almost like
πρό before as
πρὶν ἰδεῖν ῀ πρὸ τοῦ ἰδεῖν before seeing (first in Xenophon). This early use with the infinitive was, with some restrictions, retained in Attic, where the infinitive
may sometimes be used instead of the finite verb.
πρίν came more and more to take the subjunctive with
ἄν and to assume conditional relations (cp.
2433); while the use with the infinitive was more and more confined to cases where the leading verb was affirmative.
[*] 2439. The comparative idea in
πρίν explains its negative force: an event A happened before another event B, i.e. A occurred when B had
not yet (
οὔπω) occurred. Because of its negative force
πρίν commonly takes the aorist in all the moods. The aorist has an affinity for the negative because it marks simple and total negation of an action regarded in its mere occurrence; whereas the imperfect with a negative denotes resistance or refusal (
1896) in respect of an action regarded as continuing. When
πρίν takes the present in any mood the actions of the correlated clauses usually overlap. The present occurs chiefly in the prose writers of the fourth century.
[*] 2440.
πρότερον or
πρόσθεν may be used in the principal clause as a forerunner of
πρίν. Examples in 2441, 2444, 2445.
a. Homer has
πρὶν . . . πρίν B 348. Attic has also
φθάνω . . . πρίν, as ““
φθήσονται πλεύσαντες πρὶν τὴν ξυμφορὰ_ν Χίους αἰσθέσθαι”
they will succeed in making their voyage before the Chians hear of the disaster”
T. 8.12.
πρίν WITH THE INDICATIVE
[*] 2441.
πρίν in Attic prose takes the indicative of a definite past action when the verb of the principal clause is negative or implies a negative, rarely when it is affirmative.
““
οὔτε τότε Κύ_ρῳ ἰέναι ἤθελε πρὶν ἡ γυνὴ αὐτὸν ἔπεισε”
nor was he willing then to enter into relations with Cyrus until his wife persuaded him”
X. A. 1.2.26, ““
οὐ πρότερον ἐπαύσαντο πρὶν τόν τε πατέρ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μετεπέμψαντο καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξέβαλον”
they did not stop until they sent for his father from the camp, put some of his friends to death and expelled others from the city”
I. 16.8, ““
οὐ πρόσθεν ἐπαύσαντο πρὶν ἐξεπολιόρκησαν τὸν Ὄλουρον”
they did not cease from hostilities until they had captured Olurus by siege”
X. H. 7.4.18,
οὐδ᾽ ὣς . . . ἠξίωσαν νεώτερόν τι ποιεῖν ἐς αὐτόν . . . πρίν γε δὴ . . . ἀνὴρ Ἀργίλιος μηνυ_τὴς γίγνεται (historical present = aorist)
not even under these circumstances did they think it right to take any severe measures against him,
until finally a man of Argilus turned informer T. 1.132.
a. The tense in the
πρίν clause is usually the aorist (the tense of negation, 2439, and of prior action); rarely the imperfect (of contemporaneous, overlapping action), as
D. 9.61. The historical present is also used as an equivalent of the aorist. The principal clause usually has a secondary tense of the indicative.
πρίν with the indicative is not common until Herodotus and the Attic writers.
b. The verb of the principal clause may be
virtually negative, as
τοὺς . . . Ἀθηναίους λανθάνουσι πρὶν δὴ τῇ Δήλῳ ἔσχον they escaped the notice of the Athenians (i.e.
οὐχ ὁρῶνται)
until they reached Delos T. 3.29. Cp.
T. 3.104,
X. A. 2.5.33. Observe that
οὐ παύομαι (
2441) is not regarded as virtually affirmative.
c. The verb of the principal clause is affirmative in prose only in
T. 7.39, 7. 71,
Aes. 1.64. In all of these cases the leading verb is an imperfect, which emphasizes the continuation of the action up to the point of time expressed by the
πρίν clause.
d. The use in Herodotus is the same as in Attic prose. Homer has the indicative (after affirmative or negative clauses) only with
πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε until. In the drama
πρίν with the indicative is rare. Euripides uses it only after affirmative clauses. When
πρίν is =
ἕως it often takes
δή.
[*] 2442. A
πρίν clause, depending on a past tense denoting non-fulfilment, itself denotes non-fulfilment and takes a past indicative by assimilation (2185 b).
χρῆν τοίνυν Λεπτίνην μὴ πρότερον τιθέναι τὸν ἑαυτοῦ νόμον πρὶν τοῦτον ἔλυ_σε Leptines ought not then to have proposed his own law until (
before)
he had repealed this D. 20.96. Cp. 2455 b.
πρίν WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE
[*] 2443.
πρίν with the subjunctive and
ἄν refers to the future or to general present time.
[*] 2444. (I)
πρίν takes the subjunctive with
ἄν to denote a future action anticipated by the subject of the leading verb. The principal clause is negative, and contains any verb referring to the future except the simple optative.
““
οὐ πρότερον κακῶν παύσονται αἱ πόλεις πρὶν ἂν ἐν αὐταῖς οἱ φιλόσοφοι ἄρξωσιν”
States will not cease from evil until philosophers become rulers in them”
P. R. 487e,
μὴ ἀπέλθητε πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσητε do not go away until you hear (
shall have heard)
X. A. 5.7.12,
οὐ χρή μ᾽ ἐνθένδε ἀπελθεῖν πρὶν ἂν δῶ δίκην I must not depart hence until I have suffered punishment 5. 7. 5, ““
μηδένα φίλον ποιοῦ πρὶν ἂν ἐξετάσῃς πῶς κέχρηται τοῖς πρότερον φίλοις”
make no one your friend until you have inquired how he has treated his former friends”
I. 1.24,
μή ποτ᾽ ἐπαινήσῃς πρὶν ἂν εἰδῇς ἄνδρα σαφηνέως never praise a man until you have come to know him well Theognis 963. Observe that the last two examples contain a general truth.
a. The aorist subjunctive is usual (the tense of negation, 2439, and of action prior to that of the principal clause); much less common is the present subjunctive (usually of contemporaneous, overlapping action) as
X. C. 2.2.8 (
2446).
b. Homer does not use
κέ or
ἄν in this construction since
πρίν is here adverbial and its clause is simply coördinated. But Hom. has
πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἄν. The subjunctive without
ἄν occurs occasionally as an archaism in Hdt. and the dramatic poets. In Attic prose especially in Thuc. (e.g. 6. 10, 29,
38); but
ἄν is often inserted by editors.
c. The leading verb is rarely the optative with
ἄν (as a form of future expression):
οὐκ ἂν ἀπέλθοιμι πρὶν παντάπα_σιν ἡ ἀγορὰ_ λυθῇ (cp. b)
I will not go away until the market is entirely over X. O. 12.1.
[*] 2445. (II) After a negative clause of present time that expresses a customary or repeated action or a general truth,
πρίν takes the subjunctive with
ἄν.
οὐ πρότερον παύονται πρὶν ἂν πείσωσιν οὓς ἠδίκησαν they do not cease to endure
until they have won over those whom they have wronged P. Ph. 114b.
a. The leading verb may stand in another tense than the present indicative, as
οὐδεὶς πώποτε ἐπέθετο (empiric aorist,
1930) ““
πρότερον δήμου καταλύσει πρὶν ἂν μεῖζον τῶν δικαστηρίων ἰσχύ_σῃ”
no one has ever attempted the subversion of the people until he became superior to the courts of justice”
Aes. 3.235.
[*] 2446. After a secondary tense in actual or implied indirect discourse,
πρίν with the subjunctive and
ἄν is common instead of the optative without
ἄν (
2449).
““
εἶπον μηδένα τῶν ὄπισθεν κι_νεῖσθαι πρὶν ἂν ὁ πρόσθεν ἡγῆται”
I ordered that none in the rear should move until the one before him led the way”
X. C. 2.2.8 (here
πρὶν ἡγοῖτο is possible).
[*] 2447. The principal clause may be affirmative in form, but virtually negative.
αἰσχρὸν ( =
οὐ καλὸν or
οὐ δεῖν)
δ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι πρότερον παύσασθαι πρὶν ἂν ὑ_μεῖς περὶ αὐτῶν ὅ τι ἂν βούλησθε ψηφίσησθε I consider it base (i.e. I do not consider it to be honourable)
to stop until you have voted what you wish L. 22.4. Cf. Thuc. 6. 38,
D. 38.24, E. Heracl. 179.
πρίν WITH THE OPTATIVE
[*] 2448.
πρίν with the optative is used only in indirect discourse or by assimilation to another optative.
[*] 2449. (I) The optative without
ἄν follows
πρίν to denote an action anticipated in the past when the principal clause is negative and its verb is in a secondary tense. The optative is here in indirect discourse (actual or implied) and represents
ἄν with the subjunctive, which is often retained (
2446). Cp.
2420.
““
ἀπηγόρευε μηδένα βάλλειν πρὶν Κῦρος ἐμπλησθείη θηρῶν”
he forbade any one to shoot until Cyrus should have had his fill of hunting”
X. C. 1.4.14 ( =
μηδεὶς βαλλέτω πρὶν ἂν Κῦρος ἐμπλησθῇ),
οἱ Ἠλεῖοι . . . ἔπειθον (
αὐτοὺς) ““
μὴ ποιεῖσθαι μάχην πρὶν οἱ Θηβαῖοι παραγένοιντο”
the Eleans persuaded them not to engage in battle until the Thebans should have come up”
X. H. 6.5.19 ( =
μὴ ποιεῖτε μάχην πρὶν ἂν παραγένωνται).
a. In indirect discourse the infinitive is preferred (2455 d).
[*] 2450. (II) By assimilation of mood,
πρίν may take the optative when the negative principal clause has the optative. Cp. 2186 b.
εἰ ἕλκοι τις αὐτόν . . . καὶ μὴ ἀνείη πρὶν ἐξελκύ_σειεν ἐς τὸ τοῦ ἡλίου φῶς κτλ.
if one should drag him and not let him go until he had dragged him out into the sunlight, etc.
P. R. 515e.
[*] 2451. The optative with
πρίν in clauses of customary or repeated action seems not to be used.
[*] 2452.
πρὶν ἄν with the optative is rare and suspected (cp.
2421).
πρίν WITH THE INFINITIVE
[*] 2453.
πρίν takes the infinitive in Attic especially when the principal clause is affirmative. The infinitive must be used, even with negative clauses, when
πρίν must mean only
before (and not
until).
a. The infinitive is obligatory in Attic when the action of the
πρίν clause
does not take place or
is not to take place (cp.
ὥστε μή with the infinitive).
b. The infinitive takes the accusative when its subject is different from that of the principal clause.
c. The usual tense is the aorist, the tense of negation (
2439) and of the simple occurrence of the action. Less frequent is the present (chiefly in Xenophon), of action continuing, repeated, or attempted (
before undertaking to,
before proceeding to). The perfect, of action completed with permanent result, is rare.
““
οἱ καὶ πρὶν ἐμὲ εἰπεῖν ὁτιοῦν εἰδότες”
who know even before I say anything at all”
D. 18.50, ““
σύνιστε μὲν καὶ πρὶν ἐμὲ λέγειν”
you know as well as I do even before I proceed to set forth in detail the matter of my speech”
Aes. 1.116,
ἀπετράποντο ἐς τὴν πόλιν πρὶν ὑπερβαίνειν they turned back to the city before they attempted to scale the wall
T. 3.24.
[*] 2454. When the principal clause is affirmative,
πρίν before regularly takes the infinitive.
““
ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον ἀναβαίνει Χειρίσοφος πρίν τινας αἰσθέσθαι τῶν πολεμίων”
Chirisophus ascended the height before any of the enemy perceived him”
X. A. 4.1.7,
πρὶν καταλῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα πρὸς ἄ_ριστον βασιλεὺς ἐφάνη before the army halted for breakfast,
the king appeared 1. 10. 19,
πέμψα_ς, πρὶν ἐν Τεγέᾳ αὐτὸς εἶναι, πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ξένων, ἐκέλευε κτλ. lit.
before he himself arrived at Tegea,
sending to the commander of the mercenaries, he gave orders, etc.
X. H. 5.4.37 (
αὐτός, by attraction to the subject of
πέμψα_ς).
[*] 2455. When the main clause is negative,
πρίν sometimes takes the infinitive in Attic, and generally means
before, rarely
until. When
before and
after are contrasted,
until is out of place, and the
πρίν clause often precedes.
a. In reference to present or past time: ““
πρὶν ὡς αφοβον ἐλθεῖν μίαν ἡμέρα_ν οὐκ ἐχήρευσεν”
before she came to Aphobus she was not a widow a single day”
D. 30.33,
πρὶν μὲν τοῦτο πρᾶξαι Λεωκράτην ἄδηλον ἦν ὁποῖοί τινες ἐτύγχανον, νῦν δέ κτλ.
before Leocrates did this, it was uncertain what sort of men they were; but now, etc. Lyc. 135, ““
πρὶν ἀνάγεσθαί με εἰς τὴν Αἶνον . . . οὐδεὶς ᾐτιά_σατό με”
before I proceeded to set sail for Aenus no one accused me”
Ant. 5.25.
b. In reference to action unfulfilled:
οὓς (
λόγους) ““
εἴ τις ἐπέδειξεν αὐτοῖς πρὶν ἐμὲ διαλεχθῆναι περὶ αὐτῶν, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως οὐκ ἂν . . . δυσκόλως πρὸς σὲ διετέθησαν”
and if any one had shown these words to them before I discussed them, it is inevitable that they would have been discontented with you”
I. 12.250.
c. In reference to future time: ““
οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽ ἐστὶν αἰσθέσθαι πρὶν κακῶς τινας παθεῖν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν”
it is not possible to perceive this before some suffer injury at their hands”
I. 20.14, ““
καί μοι μὴ θορυβήσῃ μηδεὶς πρὶν ἀκοῦσαι”
and let no one raise a disturbance before he hears”
D. 5.15 (cp.
ὅπως μὴ θορυβήσει μηδεὶς πρὶν ἂν ἅπαντα εἴπω D. 13,
14).
N.—With verbs of fearing, the positive being the thing dreaded; as
δέδοικα μὴ πρὶν πόνοις ὑπερβάλῃ με γῆρας πρὶν σὰ_ν χαρίεσσαν προσιδεῖν ὥρα_ν I fear lest old age overcome me with its troubles before I live to behold thy gracious beauty E. fr. 453.
d. Infinitive instead of the optative after a leading verb in a secondary tense: ““
ἱ_κέτευον μηδαμῶς ἀποτρέπεσθαι πρὶν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων χώρα_ν”
they entreated them by no means to turn aside until they should invade the territory of the Lacedaemonians”
X. H. 6.5.23 (here the optative might stand in indirect discourse to represent the subjunctive with
ἄν),
οὔτ᾽ αὐτός ποτε πρὶν ἱδρῶσαι δεῖπνον ᾑρεῖτο neither was he ever accustomed to take his supper until he got into a sweat by exercise
X. C. 8.1.38 (for
ἱδρώσειε, see
2451).
e. Infinitive after an optative with
ἄν in a principal clause:
εἴ τίς τινα μηχανὴν ἔχοι πρὸς τοῦτο . . ., οὐκ ἄν ποτε λέγων ἀπείποι τὸ τοιοῦτον πρὶν ἐπὶ τέλος ἐλθεῖν;
if ever any lawgiver
should have any plan for this, would he ever be weary of discussing such a scheme until he reached the end? P. L. 769e. Here the subjunctive with
ἄν is permitted.
[*] 2456. The lyric poets and Herodotus use
πρίν with the infinitive as it is used in Attic prose and poetry. Homer has the infinitive after affirmative or negative clauses alike (
before and
until), and often where a finite verb would be used in Attic; as
ναῖε δὲ Πήδαιον πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας Ἀχαιῶν he dwelt in Pedaeon before the sons of the Achaeans came N 172,
οὔ μ᾽ ἀποτρέψεις πρὶν χαλκῷ μαχέσασθαι ( = Attic
ἂν μαχέσῃ)
thou shalt not dissuade me until thou hast fought with the spear Υ 257; often in correspondence with the adverbial
πρίν, as
οὐδέ τις ἔτλη πρὶν πιέειν, πρὶν λεῖψαι nor durst any man (
sooner)
drink before he had offered a libation H 480.
[*] 2457.
ἢ πρίν than before, with a past tense suppressed after
ἤ, occurs first in Xenophon (C. 5. 2. 36, 7. 5.
77).
[*] 2458.
πρότερον ἤ sooner than, before is used especially in Herodotus and Thucydides. (
a) With the indicative: ““
οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν ἢ αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς . . . ἐσφάλησαν”
they did not succumb before they were overthrown by themselves”
T. 2.65. (
b) With the infinitive:
τὰ_ς δ᾽ ἄλλα_ς πόλεις ἔφη ἀδικεῖν, αἳ ἐς Ἀθηναίους πρότερον ἢ ἀποστῆναι ἀνήλουν he said the other States were wrong, which,
before they revolted, used to pay money into the treasury of the Athenians T. 8.45. (
c) With the subjunctive (without
ἄν) rarely (
T. 7.63). Chiefly in Hdt.
[*] 2459. So
πρόσθεν ἤ sooner than, before: ἀπεκρί_νατο . . . ὅτι πρόσθεν ἂν ἀποθάνοιεν ἢ τὰ ὅπλα παραδοίησαν he answered that they would die before (
sooner than that)
they would surrender their arms X. A. 2.1.10.
ὕστερον ἤ later than takes, by analogy, the infinitive once in Thuc. (6. 4).
[*] 2460.
πρὶν ἤ sooner than, before with the infinitive occurs in Homer (only E 288, X
266) and Hdt. (2. 2); and in Hdt. also with the indicative (6.
45) and subjunctive (7. 10
η, without
ἄν).
πρὶν ἤ is rare and suspected in Attic (
X. C. 1.4.23); but is common in late Greek.
[*] 2461.
πάρος before in Homer takes the infinitive (Z
348).
Part I: Letters, Sounds, Syllables, Accent
Part IV: Syntax
