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2571. The potential optative with ἄν in the main clause with the indicative (2562) or subjunctive (2565) in the relative clause.

2572. Indicative with ἄν or potential optative with ἄν in the relative clause.

ὅντιν᾽ ἂν ὑ_μεῖς εἰς ταύτην τὴν τάξιν κατεστήσατε . . ., οὗτος . . . τῶν ἴσων ἂν αἴτιος ἦν κακῶν ὅσωνπερ καὶ οὗτος whomsoever you might have appointed to this post, such a one would have been the cause of as many evils as this man has been D. 19.29, τὰ_ς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Ἰλλυρίους . . . καὶ ὅποι τις ἂν εἴποι παραλείπω στρατεία_ς I omit his expeditions against the Illyrians and many others (lit. whithersoever) one might speak of D. 1.13. Cp. X. Ag. 2. 24.

2573. The optative in the relative clause with the present or future indicative or the imperative in the main clause (cp. 2359). With the present this occurs especially in general statements and maxims. The main clause is often introduced by a verb requiring the infinitive.

ἀλλ᾽ δ̀ν πόλις στήσειε, τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν but whomever the State might appoint, him we must obey S. Ant. 666, ““τοῦ μὲν αὐτὸν λέγειν, μὴ σαφῶς εἰδείη, εἴργεσθαι δεῖone should refrain from saying oneself what one does not know for certainX. C. 1.6.19.

a. The present indicative sometimes may have the force of an emphatic future (ζ 286). Sometimes the optative indicates a case/that is not likely to occur; as ἄλλῳ νεμεσᾶτον, ὅτις τοιαῦτά γε ῥέζοι you are ready to be wroth with another, supposing any one do such things Ψ 494.

b. Other examples of the present: Homer P 631 (doubtful); Theognis 689; Aes. Pr. 638; Soph. O. T. 315, 979; Lys. 12. 84; Xen. C. 2. 4. 10, 7. 5. 56, H. 3. 4. 18, 7. 3. 7; Plato Charm. 164 a, Eu. 292 e (doubtful), L. 927 c. Temporal: S. Tr. 92, P. R. 332a.

c. The future indicative occurs in τ 510 (temporal N 317); the perfect indicative in Δ 262 and ω 254 (temporal); the aorist imperative in X. C. 1.4.14.

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