Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges

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ADVERBIAL COMPLEX SENTENCES (2193-2487）

[*] 2191. In an adverbial complex sentence the subordinate clause denotes some one of the following adverbial relations: purpose (2193), cause (2240), result (2249), condition (2280), concession (2369), time (2383), comparison (2462).

[*] 2192. An adverbial sentence is introduced by a relative conjunction denoting purpose, cause, result, etc.

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PURPOSE CLAUSES (FINAL CLAUSES）

[*] 2193. Final clauses denote purpose and are introduced by ἵνα, ὅπως, ὡς in order that, that (Lat. ut); negative ἵνα μή, ὅπως μή, ὡς μή, and μή alone, lest (Lat. ne).

a. Also by ὄφρα, strictly while, until, in Epic and Lyric; and ἕως in Epic (2418). ἵνα is the chief final conjunction in Aristophanes, Herodotus, Plato, and the orators. It is the only purely final conjunction in that it does not limit the idea of purpose by the idea of time (like ὄφρα and ἕως), or of manner (like ὅπως and ὡς); and therefore never takes ἄν (κέν), since the purpose is regarded as free from all conditions (2201 b). ὅπως is the chief final conjunction in Thucydides, and in Xenophon (slightly more common than ἵνα). ὡς often shows the original meaning in which way, how, as (cp. 2578, 2989). It is rare in prose, except in Xenophon, and does not occur on inscriptions; rare in Aristophanes, but common in tragedy, especially in Euripides. μή is very rare in prose, except in Xenophon and Plato (μὴ οὐ is very rare in Homer and in Attic: X. M. 2.2.14).

b. In order that no one is ἵνα (etc.) μηδείς or μή τις, in order that . . . never is ἵνα (etc.) μήποτε or μή ποτε, and in order that . . . not is μηδέ after μή.

[*] 2194. Final clauses were developed from original coördination.

““θάπτε με ὅττι τάχιστα: πύλα_ς Ἀίδα_ο περήσω” bury me with all speed; let me pass the gates of Hades” Ψ 71, where we have a sentence of will added without any connective; and (negative) ἀπόστιχε μή τι νοήσῃ Ἣρη depart lest Hera observe aught A 522 (originally let Hera not observe anything, 1802). Even in Attic, where subordination is regular, the original form of coördination can be (theoretically) restored, as in ““καί σε πρὸς . . . θεῶν ἱκνοῦμαι μὴ προδοὺς ἡμᾶς γένῃ” and I entreat thee by the gods | do not forsake us” S. Aj. 588. We can no longer trace the original coördination with ἵνα and ὡς.

[*] 2195. A final clause stands in apposition to τούτου ἕνεκα or διὰ τοῦτο expressed or understood. Thus, ἐκκλησία_ν τούτου ἕνεκα ξυνήγαγον ὅπως ὑπομνήσω I have convened an assembly for this reason that I may remind you T. 2.60. Here τούτου ἕνεκα might be omitted.

[*] 2196. The verb of a final clause stands in the subjunctive after an introductory primary tense, in the optative (sometimes in the subjunctive, 2197) after a secondary tense.

γράφω ἵνα ἐκμάθῃς I write (on this account) that you may learn.

γράφω ἵνα μὴ ἐκμάθῃς I write (on this account) that you may not learn.

ἔγραψα ἵνα ἐκμάθοις (or ἐκμάθῃς) I wrote (on this account) that you might learn.

ἔγραψα ἵνα μὴ ἐκμάθοις (or ἐκμάθῃς) I wrote (on this account) that you might not learn.

““κατάμενε ἵνα καὶ περὶ σοῦ βουλευσώμεθα” remain behind that we may consider your case also” X. A. 6.6.28, ““βασιλεὺς αἱρεῖται οὐχ ἵνα ἑαυτοῦ καλῶς ἐπιμελῆται, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ οι᾽ ἑλόμενοι δι᾽ αὐτὸν εὖ πρά_ττωσι” a king is chosen, not that he may care for his own interest however nobly, but that those who choose him may prosper through him” X. M. 3.2.3, ““παρακαλεῖς ἰ_α_τροὺς ὅπως μὴ ἀποθάνῃ” you call in physicians in order that he may not die” X. M. 2.10.2. φύλακας συμπέμπει (hist. pres., 1883) . . . ““ὅπως ἀπὸ τῶν δυσχωριῶν φυλάττοιεν αὐτόν” he sent guards along in order that they might guard him from the rough parts of the country” X. C. 1.4.7. ““καὶ ἅμα ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀνέστη ὡς μὴ μέλλοιτο ἀλλὰ περαίνοιτο τὰ δέοντα” and with these words on his lips he stood up in order that what was needful might not be delayed but be done at once” X. A. 3.1.47, ““μὴ σπεῦδε πλουτεῖν μὴ ταχὺς πένης γένῃ” haste not to be rich lest thou soon become poor” Men. Sent. 358. For the optative after an optative, see 2186 c.

[*] 2197. After a secondary tense, the subjunctive may be used in place of the optative.

a. In the narration of past events, the subjunctive sets forth a person's previous purpose in the form in which he conceived his purpose. Thus (τὰ πλοῖα) Ἀβροκόμα_ς . . . κατέκαυσεν ἵνα μὴ Κῦρος διαβῇ Abrocomas burned the boats in order that Cyrus might (may) not cross X. A. 1.4.18. Here the thought of A. was ‘I will burn the boats that Cyrus may not cross’ (ἵνα μὴ διαβῇ), and is given in a kind of quotation.

N.—Thucydides and Herodotus prefer this vivid subjunctive; the poets, Plato, and Xenophon, the optative. In Demosthenes, the subjunctive and optative are equally common.

b. When the purpose (or its effect) is represented as still continuing in the present. See the example in 2195. This use is closely connected with a.

c. After τί οὐ, τί οὖν οὐ, and the aorist indicative: τί οὖν οὐχὶ τὰ μὲν τείχη φυλακῇ ἐχυρὰ ἐποιήσαμεν ὅπως ἄν (2201) σοι σᾶ ᾖ κτλ.; why then do we not make your walls strong by a garrison that they may be safe for you, etc.? X. C. 5.4.37. Here the sentence with ἐποιήσαμεν is practically equivalent to one with ποιήσωμεν.

[*] 2198. The alternative construction of final clauses with subjunctive or optative is that of implicit indirect discourse (2622). The subjunctive is always possible instead of the optative. Observe that the subjunctive for the optative is relatively past, since the leading verb is past.

[*] 2199. After a secondary tense both subjunctive and optative may be used in the same sentence.

ναῦς οἱ Κορίνθιοι . . . ἐπλήρουν ὅπως ναυμαχία_ς τε ἀποπειρἁ_σωσι . . ., καὶ τὰ_ς ὁλκάδας αὐτῶν ἦσσον οι<*> ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι κωλύ_οιεν ἀπαίρειν the Corinthians manned . . . ships both to try a naval battle and that the Athenians at Naupactus might be less able to prevent their transports from putting out to sea T. 7.17.

a. In some cases, especially when the subjunctive precedes, the subjunctive may express the immediate purpose, the realization of which is expected; while the optative expresses the less immediate purpose conceived as a consequence of the action of the subjunctive or as a mere possibility.

[*] 2200. The optative is very rare after a primary tense except when that tense implies a reference to the past as well as to the present.

““οἴχονται ἵνα μὴ δοῖεν δίκην” they have gone away that they might not suffer punishment” L. 20.21. Here οἴχονται is practically equivalent to ἔφυγον, and the optative δοῖεν shows that the purpose was conceived in the past. On the optative (without ἄν) by assimilation after an optative, see 2186 c.

[*] 2201. ὅπως with the subjunctive sometimes takes ἄν in positive clauses.

““τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ νῦν δίδασχ᾽, ὅπως ἂν ἐκμάθω” tell me now this very thing, that I may learn” S. O. C. 575, ““ἄξεις ἡμᾶς ὅπως ἂν εἰδῶμεν” you will guide us in order that we may know” X. C. 5.2.21.

a. ὡς and ὄφρα with ἄν or κέ occur in poetry, especially in Homer. ὡς ἄν (first in Aeschylus) is very rare in Attic prose, but occurs eight times in Xenophon; as ““ὡς δ᾽ ἂν μάθῃς . . ., ἀντάκουσον” but that you may learn, hear me in turn” X. A. 2.5.16. This use must not be confused with ὡς ἄν in conditional relative clauses (2565).—ὅπως ἄν is more common than simple ὅπως in Aristophanes and Plato, far less common in Xenophon. It is regular in official and legal language. —ἵνα ἄν is not final, but local (wherever, 2567). The original meaning of ἵνα was local and denoted the end to be reached.

b. ἄν (κέ) does not appreciably affect the meaning. Originally these particles seem to have had a limiting and conditional force (1762): ὡς ἄν in whatever way, that so (cp. so = in order that so) as in “Teach me to die that so I may Rise glorious at the awful day” (Bishop Ken), and cp. ὡς with ὅτῳ τρόπῳ in ““ἱ_κόμην τὸ Πυ_θικὸν μαντεῖον, ὡς μάθοιμ᾽ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ πατρὶ δίκα_ς ἀροίμην” I came to the Pythian shrine that I might learn in what way I might avenge my father” S. El. 33. With ὅπως ἄν cp. ἐά_ν πως. Both ὅπως and ὡς were originally relative adverbs denoting manner (how, cp. 2578), but when they became conjunctions (in order that), their limitation by ἄν ceased to be felt.

[*] 2202. ὡς ἄν and ὅπως ἄν with the optative occur very rarely in Attic prose (in Xenophon especially), and more frequently after secondary than after primary tenses.

““ἔδωκε χρήματα Ἀνταλκίδᾳ ὅπως ἂν πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ . . . οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι . . . μᾶλλον τῆς εἰρήνης προσδέοιντο” he gave money to Antalcidas in order that, if a fleet were manned, the Athenians might be more disposed to peace” X. H. 4.8.16. ὡς ἄν final must be distinguished from ὡς ἄν consecutive (2278).

a. Homer has a few cases of ὡς ἄν (κέ) and ὄφρ᾽ ἄν (κέ); ἵνα κεν once (μ 156). Hdt. has ὡς ἄν, ὅκως ἄν rarely.

b. After primary tenses the optative with ἄν is certainly, after secondary tenses probably, potential. Its combination with the final conjunction produces a conditional relative clause in which the relative and interrogative force of ὅπως and ὡς comes to light. With ὅπως ἄν the final force is stronger than with ὡς ἄν. In the example quoted above, πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ represents the protasis (εἰ ναυτικὸν πληρωθείη) to ἂν προσδέοιντο.

[*] 2203. The future indicative is used, especially in poetry, after ὅπως (rarely after ὡς, ὄφρα, and μή) in the same sense as the subjunctive.

οὐδὲ δι᾽ ἓν ἄλλο τρέφονται ἢ ὅπως μαχοῦνται nor are they maintained for any other single purpose than for fighting (lit. how they shall fight) X. C. 2.1.21, σι_γᾶθ᾽, ὅπως μὴ πεύσεταί (fut.) τις . . . γλώσσης χάριν δὲ πάντ᾽ ἀπαγγείλῃ (subj.) ““τάδε” keep silence, lest some one hear and report all this for the sake of talk” A. Ch. 265. In prose the future occurs with ὅπως in Xenophon and Andocides. This usage is an extension of that after verbs of effort (2211).

[*] 2204. The principal clause is sometimes omitted.

““ἵν᾽ ἐκ τούτων ἄρξωμαι” to begin with this” D. 21.43. ἵνα τί, originally to what end (cp. 946), and ὡς τί are also used colloquially: ἵνα τί ταῦτα λέγεις; why do you say this? P. A. 26d.

[*] 2205. By assimilation of mood, final clauses may take a past tense of the indicative without ἄν (2185 c) or the optative without ἄν (2186 c.)

[*] 2206. Equivalents of a Final Clause.—The common methods of expressing purpose may be illustrated by the translations (in Attic) of they sent a herald to announce:

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα ἵνα (ὅπως) ἀπαγγέλλοιτο (2196).

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα ὅστις (ὃς) ἀπαγγελεῖται (2554).

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα ἀπαγγελοῦντα (2065), ἀπαγγέλλοντα (rare, 2065).

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα ὡς ἀπαγγελοῦντα (2086 c).

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα ἀπαγγέλλειν (rare in prose, 2009).

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα τοῦ ἀπαγγέλλειν (2032 e, often in Thucydides).

ἔπεμψαν κήρυ_κα ὑπὲρ (ἕνεκα) τοῦ ἀπαγγέλλειν (2032 g).

For ὥστε denoting an intended result, see 2267.

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OBJECT CLAUSES

[*] 2207. Two types of object (substantival) clauses are closely connected in construction with final clauses.

1. Object clauses after verbs of effort.

2. Object clauses after verbs of fearing.

Both stand in apposition to a demonstrative expressed or implied.

οὐδένα δεῖ τοῦτο μηχανᾶσθαι, ὅπως ἀποφεύξεται πᾶν ποιῶν θάνατον no man ought to contrive (this) how he shall escape death at any cost P. A. 39a, ““μηχανᾶσθαι ὅκως τὸ σῶμα . . . κομιεῖ” to contrive how he might bring home the body” Hdt. 2.121 γ, αὐτὸ τοῦτο φοβοῦμαι, μὴ . . . οὐ δυνηθῶ δηλῶσαι περὶ τῶν πρα_γμάτων I am afraid of this very thing, namely, that I may not be able to make the case plain D. 41.2, ““ἐφοβεῖτο . . . μὴ οὐ δύναιτο . . . ἐξελθεῖν” he was afraid that he could not escape” X. A. 3.1.12.

[*] 2208.